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Letters
Turkish fascism
I think comrade Conrad’s article on fascism fails to achieve all the sixfold intention he states (‘Misusing the F-word’, May 27). He’s certainly right to insist upon clear and historically rooted definitions and also on his remarks against broadening the scope of the term in an inflationary and only pejorative manner. However, he bends the stick too much on to the other side.
The main problem is that he’s too stuck in history and the ‘classical’ cases of fascism, to the extent that this leads him to ignore the obvious fascistic sides of current phenomena he investigates. He intends to evaluate it globally, but only touches on his own native British case. He seems to be right to assume that fascism is not a current threat in the UK. I’ll leave aside the internal strategic debates of the country’s leftist organisations and continue on Conrad’s passing remarks about Turkish leftists’ evaluations of the nature of Turkish regime.
Brian Stoddart explores why Australia has decided to follow an “all or nothing” approach to China that now openly discusses the idea of war.
When the Secretary of Australia’s Department of Home Affairs (who wants to be the Secretary for Defence) tells the nation it should prepare for war with China, the Westminster principles of government and governance are clearly gone, possibly for good.
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Farahnaz Salehi calls them the lost years. There have been seven of them for the 21-year-old Hazara refugee since she fled Afghanistan with her parents and her seven brothers and sisters in 2014, ending up in Indonesia.
âWe are stuck here and we cannot do anything,â she said from Cisarua, a mountainous district an hourâs drive outside Jakarta.
Afghan refugees gather outside the UNHCR office in Jakarta on Tuesday after a deadly bomb blast in Kabul.
Credit:Jefri Tarigan
Stranded there amid dwindling global refugee resettlement numbers that have shrunk even further due to the COVID-19 pandemic, her family is among 14,000 living in limbo in Indonesia in a situation that has become increasingly desperate amid a rising rate of suicides.
The “DarkSide” ransomware cyber-attack on the US-based gasoline facility Colonial Pipeline, which has disrupted East Coast fuel supplies and invoked emergency legislation, has once again highlighted the vulnerability of a nation’s critical infrastructure to malicious cyber activity. In Australia’s immediate region, recent policy developments in Indonesia also suggest a growing awareness about the vulnerability of national critical infrastructure to cyber-attack, and the need to hasten comprehensive regulatory and policy responses. Australian security agencies are well-placed to play a key role in partnership with Indonesia as it moves to strengthen its cyber security fundamentals.
On 13 April, Indonesian President Joko (Jokowi) Widodo, moved to augment the institutional authority of Indonesia’s National Cyber and Crypto Agency (BSSN) via presidential executive order, also known as a “presidential decree” (