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Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government recently signaled its intent by presenting a draft law to reduce carbon dioxide emissions by 65% by 2030 and by 88% by 2040, relative to their level in 1990 – the reference year of the Paris climate agreement. Under the proposed legislation, Germany plans to become entirely climate-neutral by 2045, five years earlier than previously planned.
The plan is embedded in the European Union’s European Green Deal, which targets a 55% reduction in CO
2 emissions by 2030 and climate neutrality by 2050, because Germany had always agreed to bear a disproportionate share of Europe’s climate-mitigation efforts in recent years. The government’s decision to enhance its climate targets reflects a sense of responsibility for global environmental stability. This is a sentiment born of the green movement, which originated in Germany almost a half-century ago and is stronger than ever.
Can expert commissions develop solutions for controversial issues that will enjoy broad democratic support?
A team of researchers from the Institute for Advanced Sustainability Studies (IASS) has analysed the work of Germany’s “Coal Exit Commission” using a set of new criteria. While the authors view positively the Commission’s success in reaching a compromise, they criticise its failure to deliver an outcome that promotes the common good, particularly with respect to the high cost of the coal exit and its unambitious contribution towards Germany’s climate goals, as well as the lack of public participation.
On 29 April 2021, Germany’s Federal Constitutional Court ruled that the provisions of the Climate Protection Act (2019) are incompatible with the constitution – a ruling that has put Germany’s “coal compromise” back in the spotlight. The ruling has forced the government to amend its existing climate targets rather making effective climate action merely a mat
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Can expert commissions develop solutions for controversial issues that will enjoy broad democratic support? A team of researchers from the Institute for Advanced Sustainability Studies (IASS) has analysed the work of Germany s Coal Exit Commission using a set of new criteria. While the authors view positively the Commission s success in reaching a compromise, they criticise its failure to deliver an outcome that promotes the common good, particularly with respect to the high cost of the coal exit and its unambitious contribution towards Germany s climate goals, as well as the lack of public participation.
On 29 April 2021, Germany s Federal Constitutional Court ruled that the provisions of the Climate Protection Act (2019) are incompatible with the constitution - a ruling that has put Germany s coal compromise back in the spotlight. The ruling has forced the government to amend its existing climate targets rather making effective climate action merely a matter for futu
ONCE INCONCEIVABLE, a world without banks can nowadays just be discerned on the horizon. As never before, their role is under threat from new technology, capital markets and even the public sector. Whizzy fintech platforms are eating into their business. Venture capitalists are gaining in importance at the expense of traditional moneylenders. And central banks are threatening them with the most startling disintermediation of all: the evolution of government-backed digital currencies. Of the big economies, China is furthest advanced in the digitalisation both of the financial sector and of central banking. There as elsewhere, however, as finance shifts online, so does financial crime. New technology has enabled cyber-crime on an industrial scale.
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