Simon Evenett, Richard Baldwin
Editor s note: This is the final column in a three-part series on China and the WTO. Read the first two columns here and here.
In the first part of this three-part series, we argued that WTO members had high expectations that by admitting China into their midst, its economic system would gradually converge to the liberal economic system, which has been implicit in the GATT and then the WTO agreements. In the second part, we saw that many of China’s trading partners, in particular the US and the EU, feel that China has not lived up to their expectations.
Shana Kushner Gadarian is associate professor of political science at the Maxwell School in Syracuse University, and with Sara Wallace Goodman and Thomas Pepinsky, the author of
Pandemic Politics: How COVID-19 Revealed the Depths of American Polarization, which is under contract with Princeton University Press.
Jeanne-Marie Jackson is associate professor of English at Johns Hopkins University and the author, with Princeton University Press, of The African Novel of Ideas: Philosophy and Individualism in the Age of Global Writing (2021).
Gillen D’Arcy Wood is professor of environmental humanities and English at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, where he serves as associate director of the Institute for Sustainability, Energy, and the Environment. He is the author of
Having joined the WTO, many Western countries expected China to soon liberalise and become an open market economy. This second in a series of three columns describes how China has been able to shrug off pressures to change its economic structure and trading strategy, particularly regarding how its state-owned enterprises operate within the multilateral system.
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Tuesday, 4 May, 2021 - 12:30 to 13:30
We are beginning to understand that globalization has strategic consequences. Countries are using their position in globalized networks to “weaponize interdependence”, through their dominance of information and financial networks.
In this talk, Henry Farrell will discuss the research and policy agenda of weaponized interdependence, addressing such questions as:
What areas of the global economy are most vulnerable to unilateral control of information and financial networks?
How sustainable is the use of weaponized interdependence?
What are the possible responses from targeted actors?
How sustainable is the open global economy if weaponized interdependence becomes a default tool for managing international relations?