About his possibly the case and i would love for you to. I kind of did ask. To follow up and say that we now have interagency structures to raise red flags to the highest level. How is it possible that the state department wasnt looking at this intentionally in november and december and i think that is a followup opportunity. And he did play an important role. They were convening behind the scenes at the state department was the key of sharing information in august, september, october, and november. And they did have open sessions with the partners so that we could express what we were seeing. And that would not have happened without this and still are questions are what happened in march and were does the atrocities prevention said on parallel with other National Intelligence priorities. If it was irrelevant until these atrocities were occurring, how are we better elevating that prioritization framework and how can we get ahead. And had we put a better emphasis ahead of the curve inst
The conditions are such that that is a legitimate concern. In the negotiation of the geneva statement, the u. S. , the e. U. , and the ukrainians all urged the inclusion of a sentence that referred to the may 25 elections and the need that they be carried out in an orderly and transparent way. The russians refused to include that in the text of the statementle. The disruptions were already taking place in the ukraine that are bound to complicated the election efforts and we believe that those that the instability there is being fomented by the russians. Thank you, mr. Hartley, ms. Friedt. The chair will yield to the gentleman from new york, mr. Meeks, for five minutes. Thank you, mr. Chairman. Let me, you know, there was a beginning where we thought that wed be entering a new world, we would be able to have with the new stark treaty, not abolishing ewe near Nuclear Weapons altogether, we were moving in the right direction the senate ratified the treaty and the Russian Federation ratifi
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