but launch us into a constitutional crisis. and what would the senate do if rather than firing mueller, donald trump was to use what was called the death by a thousand cuts strategy. essentially firing rod rosenstein and putting into place a deputy attorney general who would say you can t look into those areas because they re financial. you can t have that budget allocation and essentially squeeze the investigation through the superadvisory power of the deputy attorney general? well, i m and remember chuck grassley granted our bill a hearing that you see senators on both sides of the i ll being concerned about this trump behavior and trying to do rational, prudent things should that eventuality come to be. i m concerned about the example that you give, as well as the
campaign adviser, michael kau paout yo. is this the strategy of the trump administration now? it s no longer he s not going to fire robert mueller, which is what democrats are worried about, it s death by a thousand cuts, so by the time mueller releases any finding, it s tainted. i said all along the president is not going to fire mueller, and i think the president is taking it upon himself, i think successfully, pointing out the very obvious bias that some members of the investigation and former members of the investigation you have. i think the person there you go. go ahead? the former members. when you say robert mueller has to get control of it, hasn t he? he reassigned the folks. he saw a tweet that seemed to be anti-trump and reassigned them
al qaeda. he also talked about, which is true, many terrorist philosophies over the years, hezboll hezbollah, hamas were death by a thousand cuts. al qaeda always wanted the big bang. after they did 9/11 and killed 3,000-plus people, they couldn t duplicate it. by that time, many of the methods that they used to put that together were taken from them by u.s. and the operations that we conducted. so they never adopted that, well, let s just do something. but isis is happen happy to do anything. kill anybody. james comey, the fbi director, he was pretty alarming if you listen to his speech today. i know if you didn t listen to it, it s worth listening to what he has to say because he paints a very, very dire scenario out there right now. gentlemen, thanks very much for joining us. thank you. that s it for me. i ll be back later today 5:00 p.m. eastern in the situation room. up next, a 98 jurmajor announcen washington. the federal reserve will have
back with alexis goldstein, neil barofsky, and joel green. we are talking about the economic collapse, upon which we are coming on the fifth anniversary. and you said the dodd/frank is both onerous and burdensome and doesn t go far enough. how is that possible? you think about what happened with the great depression, you had glass-steagall, which was 30 pages long and now you have dodd/frank, which is 3,300 and counting. so rather than going with a simple fix that was easy to follow and easy to understand, that was a level playing field for all participants and that would accomplish the goal of what glass-steagall did, which is truly ending too big to fail by splitting up the banks, what we have is this regulatory death by a thousand cuts, which nibbles around the edges and has exceptions and wavers and loopholes to the exceptions and the wavers, which gives the regulators and the lawyers plenty of stuff to work on. which is part of what happened? dodd/frank has the potential to