improves whenever there is a recession. the deeper the recession, the higher the bounce back. we did not have a high bounce back. this is a president, where black unemployment got worse when he was in office. the so-called wealth gap between the average black household and white household didn t get that wide in 25 years. no matter how you slice it even tavis smiley the left wing commentator on pbs that by every major economic measure the bump, the obama years, black people suffered under the last 8 years by every major economic measure things are worse off for blacks under obama. i didn t say this. tavis smiley did. so write an angry letter to him. pete: is there a chance though that these developments could lead to a fisher, a fraction between the merits between democrats and the african-american community that has existed for quite some time. the democrats cater to that electoral base. could that change at all? i think so. because if you look at exit polling in 2008, the number on
that is the specter of historical unpopular presidency. all of the state seats that democrats lost is where the redistricting gets done so even though you see the impact on the federal level, it was done at the state level, those seats mattered more as it turned out for the democrats. i hear john on the senate. what about the house? i think the house is much more vulnerable. you look in states like if you look at the exit polling out of alabama you see the president in a state he won convincingly at about a 48% approval. that is dangerous territory because it says those seats, those districts, counties where he was so strong that both he s vulnerable and therefore republicans are vulnerable who have not really shown much in the way of opposition to trump or to trumpism. those who have bucked the president are usually retiring, and so what s going to fill that void? you have the specter of steve bannon and what he represents in the midterm race, but i think they are much more vulner
congressional seats 2-1. north carolina, pennsylvania, on and on. those are two significant structural obstacles to a democratic electorate. it is historically unpopular. one of the untold stories have been all the state seats democrats lost. that s where the redistricting gets done. i hear john on the senate. what about the house? the house is much more vulnerable. if you look at the exit polling you see the president in a state he won convincingly at 48% approval. that is dangerous territory. it says those seats, those districts, counties where he was so strong he is vulnerable. republicans are vulnerable. . what is going to fill that void?
need to win house seats and going into 2018, think we need more than just the economics arguments. chris, i was watching your show when tuesday night when i thought that jones was going to win, that s when i saw the question in exit polling about values, which candidate represents your values. republican didn t have advantage there in alabama, i knew would be a good night for jones. economics piece helped but when you look at where the voters are on fundamental values, democrats still need an argument in that place. and when the aca was passed in early 2010, became a rallying cry for activist class of the republican party. to them symbolized this had been done against their opposition and they were angry and focused
donald trump, ridiculous and lazy narrative of donald trump being a populist. uncomfortable conversation about nationalism makes us lean on populism but donald trump didn t win because of economics but nationalism. if we think going to win those voters over on economics, i don t think it s true. this is a variable that helps democrats make economic case against republicans in 2018, but i will say this, if we look at those red places that democrats need to win house seats and going into 2018, think we need more than just the economics arguments. chris, i was watching your show when tuesday night when i thought that jones was going to win, that s when i saw the question in exit polling about values, which candidate