Hello everybody. Thank you for the commission and for hosting this very timely briefing on the political and security crises in the democratic republic of congo. Congress as long changed u. S. Policy towards the drc and the wider Great Lakes Region of Central Africa using toward such , sexualoreign aid violence, child soldiers, humanitarian relief and international adoptions. And direct engagement with leaders. Over the years, many members of congress have pay particular attention to Human Rights Violations in eastern congo which is been at percent are of conflict. Successive u. S. President since the 1990s have appointed former members of congress to Service Special envoys in the region, most recently senator Russ Feingold and representative tom perry yellow who each held the mess post during the Obama Administration. Congressional concerns about the democratic trajectory group. It became clear that elections would not be held as scheduled. Deferring would would be their first ever electoral transfer of power. Congressional committees and jurisdiction and u. S. Policies. Meetings on u. S. Policy. The senate and house each pass resolutions talking on the executive branch for punitive measures for those accused of corruption. Todays conversation follows the hearing before this Commission Last november. The apparent intention of the president to remain in office at already promote provoke unrest. Subsequent finding of a political agreement between the Ruling Coalition and the opposition, the electoral calendar has yet to be issued and the security situation has badly deteriorated. Enduring conflict in the east have become while new hotspots have emerged. We have an opportunity today to hear from a panel of true about ways to drc address these challenges. From the u. S. Institute will eat us on the links between the security situation and the regional contact. Of search for Common Ground will discuss dynamics. Of Amnesty International will anduss emerging violations of the sims and of the Simpson Center will discuss challenges of the peacekeeping operation. One final note. We will go to q a after that and i would like to make sure there is an opportunity for Congressional Staff in the room to ask questions if they have any. If you are a staffer, please prepare your questions for the first round. Cochairman mcgovern holds ,rand, members of the staff thank you for holding this important briefing on the democratic developments in the democratic republic of congo. Im here to share some humble insights into the current political impasse. In line with the request of todays moderator i will focus , my initial remarks on the initial challenges of the implementation of the global inclusive agreement as well as highlight some of the diminished legitimacy of the nearly old government and how it has influenced the broader security situation. 2006 as alexis mentioned, the Catholic Bishop conference stepped in for a mediation process combined with the National Dialogue initiative which had initially established a partial agreement with leaders from the government. These efforts did not necessarily result in violence taking place. The process eventually culminated in a very susceptible and celebrated new years eve agreement. The signatories of the early agreement, the opposition sg sevens, of the udp and agreed broadly to the following. A transition of 12 months, the maintenance of president kabila and other institutions in the interest of preserving continuity in order to prepare for elections. The creation of a National Unity government which would be given equal treatment throughout that period. The end of political prosecution, the release of particle Political Prisoners and the reopening of Public Access television and radio. The establishment of a committee overseeing the imitation of the agreement. Finally, the prohibition of any constitutional change which would allow president kabila to run for a third term. While the agreement received popular support, including a Un Security Council resolution which endorsed it in late march 2017. Nearly eight months from its achievement, implementations were wracked with challenges and failed to achieve the main goal of an election at the end of 2017. The runnerup of the 2011 low election was the first and most important shock to the process of implement in this. The chief was supposed to leave nsa and left a vacuum among the opposition. Talks for the implementing of the agreement eventually led to an agreement known as the peoples house agreement of april 27. A month earlier, he room he withdrew the mediation role and handed over responsibility to president kabila to move forward with the implementation. He anddwill built up by his mediation role has shifted back to a more confrontational relationship. Invitedciety has been throughout the process and had ramifications of the provincial level of numerous standoffs between assemblies and governors. While there has been a general deterioration, these developments have been viewed as orchestrated attempts by the government to justify further delays in the electoral process. Leading the process to become somewhat farcical. Nevertheless, the discretionary power of the presidency seems to be driving the process more than the actual implementation. President kabila nominated opposition dissidence in early april. A universe a unilateral decision that was viewed as nonconsensual the time. Furthermore, mutual control and balance of power within the government of National Unity had not been achieved. Major post ever made within the president ial majority, the Ruling Coalition. The establishment of the cnsa was severely delayed. While it was given a mandate of 12 months, it took nearly eight months before its members were named on july 22. Givenhe presidency being to another opposition dissident. His position was vehemently rejected by the majority of opposition leaders and society has strongly criticized the cnsa as not being independent or impartial. An incredible Sticking Point has been the failure of the publication of the electoral calendar which has been a point of contention for many of the participants in the process, though the head asserted that in may, a calendar would be publicized shortly. Nothing is followed. There needs to be clear benchmarks and this would be very critical to clarifying who would represent the majority as well as the opposition coalition. With regards to voter registration, there been several important challenges. First, the role it of youth who are younger than the age required. Civil Society Organizations have been ordered to observe the registering requirements. There has also been certain challenges with regard to staffing on the ground and failure to pay those involved. The rules as was we finish by due to thejuly, but insurgency and now it stands there are still under enrollment with 13 not completed. Major cases have been completely blocked. Only certain tv channels have been reopened. At the outset, there occurs to be a fertile context for political opposition. As there is not one level of government that remains within its mandate. Deputies have overstayed their mandates for over six years. Nevertheless, the majority has surprisingly emerged stronger since the agreement. Inhas not been able to bring a certain amount of resources through mining contracts in the meantime. The president s future remains a uncertain. Some political elites continue to push for a third term while see themselves as sending for a candidate of the presidency rather than the president s aspirations. Furthermore, although a longtime ally, angola has stepped forward. In thedversaries eyes of some, the situation of instability is much more favorable to their longterm political agenda. For their part, there are no visible signs of tracking within the Security Services although there are concerns about the use of commandolike units and efforts to police. The president s relative strength is largely due to the weakness of the political opposition which remains divided. Splinter groups make up the majority and has to a large extent tainted others with opportunism. Was proposed to be prime it has not seem to reemerge under his leadership and felix has not shown himself to be a strong leader on the streets. Another remains in exile where he maintains his popularity and outside the drc has strength remains to be seen. Kabila has also been able to other president s soninlaw who couldve been a contender a otherwise. In general, most of the opposition leaders are seeking more from the community than from the congolese people. They are calling for stepping down. This is as a result of what i outline. With popular frustrations of remaining and a splintered opportunist political organization, outburst of violence are increasing in likelihood. One of these groups has carried out a number of Violent Attacks on police posts, prisons, and central market. Religious beating cake. Dating back to the 1960s, 80 k bdk. Ought bdk, ck to the nearly 200 buildings were burnt and at least 200 People Killed when police opened fire on bdk supporters. Political created the party in 2010 which eventually led to his election in 2011. Unfortunately, it had been dormant for several years and reemerged recently with several Violent Attacks. Eventually, an attack on a prison earlier this month. In conclusion, the publication of a realistic consensual electoral calendar is more critical than ever and certainly more important than meeting a december deadline will stop while rejected by the opposition, the recent declaration of the south African Development community is a realistic and knowledge meant to make sure elections proceed or work. Renewed conditions, a push toward organization of elections may find more effect. A Preparation Committee within president ial majority and International Partners will have to ensure a truly fair, incredible, enabling environment for elections in which all candidates can participate and compete equitably. Thank you for your attention this morning. Thank you very much. Thanks, alexis. And thank you to congressman mcgovern for calling this together one year after your hearing which drew a lot of attention to the crisis in congo. It is a privilege to me to give you an update on where and what we have seen over the last year. I am going to keep my remarks focused primarily on the local dynamics of violence, recent events east of the country. Recognizing that is a large area. I submitted my written statement which will be online. My colleagues will distribute it. I will touch on some of the biggest issues. , i will three regions talk about three things we are looking for from the u. S. Congress and where we are looking for u. S. Leadership to address some of these issues. Since the last discussion, thousands of congolese citizens have been killed or displaced. Many have been placed in awful conditions. We have seen polio rake out for the first time in three years after the country was declared poliofree. We now see a risk of a cholera epidemic. We see a worsening humanitarian crisis at a time when the world is dealing with too many. There are still homes of displaced people 20 years after the war broke out in the first place. Out over aoke dispute that steve alluded to around the chieftaincy of political competition over the leadership of the chieftaincy, the chief of that time, the government opponent, offered resistance through a series of events. He was killed. The killing of the chief triggered an insurgency which very quickly took on political talents, ethnic tolerance, in the context of a region strongly bastion. A there is a history of strong chiefs but deep land disputes between communities and between communities and the state resolving them. At the moment, others will talk about some of the human rights abuses. I will say, at the moment what we can say is that although there has been a relative decrease in violence in the past weeks, there is very little anything isink resolved. The grievances, the trauma between communities, the grievances over the past and current conflict are likely to remain for a perceivable amount of time and given the role that the government has played in the suppressing of the militancy and insurgency, it is difficult to see how the government, the u. N. , or other parties in the conflict can forge a is process without significant grassroots leadership and engagement. About a year or more ago, we saw a great awakening of clinical consciousness among the pygmy population. Who lived for a long time in a situation of comparative disadvantage. Rarely having access to political power or the school system. Living in a subservient economic and political situation that erupted into violence. Nowate 2016, we have seen have a million displaced. We saw some very promising peace efforts at the beginning of this year but it languished. The violence has persisted. Earlier this month, the governor of the province announced a new military campaign to resolve for as a new strategy to address the and all of the humanitarian consequences are likely to flow from that. To touch briefly on the east beginning from the northeastern border of south sudan to the order of tanganyika, we see a resurgent of local insecurity and tension. Whether that is where we see spillover from Central African republic crisis where we see migration of pastoralists and farmerherder conflicts. Elsewhere we see a resurgence of spf i, a Militia Group associated with the melinda community. North. Tensions in the what we see particularly increasing amounts of hatespeech. Political cooptation and between communities as we gear up for local political competition in the next election. Finally, we have seen the operations of armed groups. Asyet 60 ort of ,0yearold chieftaincy dispute over the leadership of the planes. We see a fragile situation across the country. Therefore points i want to make about that. Origin ishough the absolutely clinical and as a result, there is a political impasse. Jockeying for power by local political elites and the mismanagement of mechanisms to coopt and manage those conflicts, the fact that this political competition is leading the genie is out of the bottle does not mean that this conflict will go way. The things that are driving the violence are linked to decades of trauma, mistrust between communities, and existential competition in the context of extreme poverty. Those things are deeply rooted and driven by the same dividing lines we have seen for decades in congo. Competition over land, competition over local and National Political power, and the legacy of mistrust across ethnic identity lines. Those are what is driving the violence and ultimately, regardless of what happens with the political transition at a national level, these are going to be lingering problems that will need a lingering solution. Secondly, it is very difficult to see how either parties can provide a military solution to the conflict. Lead a pygmy to be tortured for collaborating with a neighbor in tanganyika are not things that any military force is wellsuited to respond to let alone foreign peacekeepers or Congolese Army oft has inherited the legacy the violence from which it is forged. Ultimately, we need civilian solutions. To make sure we are putting the power and hands of the ordinary congolese citizens, religious leaders, Civil Society groups who will be the ones who will ,ltimately drive the solution any kind of solution we can hope to see. There, although today we are talking about new conflicts in taken a gut, the possible resurgence of old conflicts in the east, we could be talking about almost anywhere in congo tomorrow. The broad patronage system, deep grievances, and the capacity to use weapons characterize many communities. Challenge inut the the west. This could be anywhere and it will be anywhere until we adopt a change in how the International Community addresses the conflicts, but also in the ultimate political culture about power in local disputes being managed in the country. You know, finally, i think it would be a mistake it is time to put aside the notion the idea that the country is governed by big men and has been governed by big man in big plans writing on the back of a passive citizenry enmeshed in their local disputes putting capable of driving real change. The conflicts we see today are as much even know i talked about the historical roots and of led to them theyre driven as much by frustration and desperation by change. Economic change, social change, the chance and desire to print in spain and manage their lives in a different way. Awakening inat taken ego was driven in large part by cell phones. Tanganyika was driven in large part by cell phones. This is a change. It is something we need to recognize. This is not politics as usual in congo, even though some of the contours have been seen before. And, so, with that i think i would just like to close with a couple thoughts of what we would like to see from congress. First of all, thank you for keeping the attention on this country given Everything Else that is going on. We still need your support. We, but also the congolese people who are working for peace every single day need your support. Although there is no military solutions and we know humanitarian solutions will not the end the suffering we see in those places, the vast majority of resources we have, the little bit of resource, the congress conflict fund was what we had to put resources in the hands of the people in conflictaffected places. That is what was deployed in the south African Republic and randy nd monday that is a mistake in his shorts ordinary citizens of the best tools to prevent