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determinative like the sort of objective macro economic conditions to michael s point, the polling data suggests they are becoming increasingly strained through a sort of partisan lens. the president is, you know, polling at 40, 41, 42% with the economy where it s at. maybe the economy doesn t matter the same way it used to. and yet at the same time his strong economic ratings provide a pathway for him to maybe get to the 46% that he needs by disqualifying and absolutely going nuclear on the eventual democratic nominee, which is an expert at what he s doing, exploiting divisions in the democratic base by weaponizing social media. that and the possible foreign help. right. that s the other strategy. right. i mean, honestly, that s the other component of the strategy. and i think that we cannot ignore that. yes. donald trump has said he s going to use foreign help if it s available. sure. sure. and he s not opposed to that, right? i still establish inlive in a c tha
the feds are going to pull their punches. in fact, probably looking at a rate decrease or a cut as opposed to increase in the interest rates. so from that standpoint i think the nervousness would be a genuine concern but not as much as you would think otherwise. the other reason i think, chris, is largely if you look at where voters are, they ve disconnected the economy from donald trump. so they like where the economy is. there are some spots that are iffy for some folks, but by and large, you know, 50-plus percent of the american people are saying, okay, this is good. trump is in the low 40s. right. so they ve made that disconnect and i don t think he s going to get weighted down as much by a bad economy as a lot of people may think. or the other way around. i mean, that s the key, david. exactly. one of the things we ve seen over the last several, you know, last eight years is that the polarization is so intense that things that used to be really determinative like the sor