On a subject of deep concern to all americans and many people in all parts of the world. The war in vietnam. One of the reasons for the deep division about vietnam is that Many Americans have lost confidence in what their government has told them about our policy. The American People cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overall issues of war and peace unless they know the truth about that policy. Tonight, i would like to answer some of the questions that i know are on the minds of many of you listening to me. How and why did america get involved in vietnam in the first place . How has this administration changed the policy of the Previous Administration . What has really happened in the negotiations in paris and on the battlefront in vietnam . What choices do we have if we were to end the war . What are the prospects for peace . Let me begin by describing the situation i found when i was inaugurated on january 20th. The war had been going on for four years. 31,000 americans have been killed in action. The Training Program for the South Vietnamese was beyond schedule. 540,000 americans were in vietnam with no plans to reduce the number. No progress had been made at the negotiations in paris, and the United States had not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal. The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friends as well as our enemies abroad. In view of these circumstances, there were some who urged that i end the war at once by ordering the immediate withdrawal of all American Forces. From a political standpoint, this would have been a popular and easy course to follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in office. I could blame the defeat on him and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly. This was the only way to avoid becomeg johnsons war to nixons war. But i had a greater obligation then to only think of the years of my administration and the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next generation. And, on the future of peace and freedom in america and in the world. Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some americans are for peace and some americans are against peace, the question at issue is not whether johnsons war becomes nixons war, the great question is how we can win americas peace . Let us turn to the fundamental issue, why and how did the United States become involved in vietnam in the first place . 15 years ago, North Vietnam, with the support of china and the soviet union, launched a campaign to impose a communist government on South Vietnam by instigating and supporting a revolution. In response to the request of the government of South Vietnam, president eisenhower sent economic aid and military equipment to assist the people of South Vietnam in their efforts to prevent a communist take over. Seven years ago, president kennedy sent 16,000 military personnel to vietnam as combat advisors. Four years ago, president johnson sent american combat forces to South Vietnam. Many believe that president johnsons decision to send american combat forces to South Vietnam was wrong. Many others, i among them, have been strongly critical of the way the war has been conducted. But, the question facing us today is, now that we are in the war, what is the best way to end it . In january, i could only conclude that the withdrawal of all American Forces from vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam, but for the United States and for the cause of peace. For the South Vietnamese, our withdrawal would inevitably allow the communists to repeat the massacres that followed their takeover in the north 15 years before. They then murdered more than 50,000 people and hundreds of thousands more died in slave labor camps. We saw a prelude of what would happen in South Vietnam with a communist city last year. During their brief rule there, there was a bloody reign of terror in which 3000 civilians were clubbed, shot to death, and buried in mass graves. With this sudden collapse of our support, this would become the nightmare of the entire nation. And, particularly for the 1. 5 million catholic refugees that fled to South Vietnam when the communists took over in the north. For the United States, this first defeat in our nations history would result in a collapse of confidence in american leadership. Not only in asia but throughout the world. Three american president s have recognized the great steaks stakes of vietnam and understood what had been done. In 1963, president kennedy with his eloquence and clarity, said we want to see a stable government there. Carrying on the struggle to maintain its national independence. We believe strongly in that. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. In my opinion, for us to withdraw from that effort would mean a collapse of not only South Vietnam but southeast asia, so we are going to stay there. President eisenhower and president johnson expressed the same conclusion during their terms of office. For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. A nation cannot remain great if it betrays its allies and lets down its friends. Our defeat and humiliation in South Vietnam, without question, would promote recklessness in the councils of those great powers who have not yet abandoned their goals of world conquest. This would spark violence wherever our commitments help maintain the peace. In the middle east, in berlin, eventually, even in the western hemisphere. Ultimately, this would cost more lives. It would not bring peace. It would bring more war. For these reasons, i have rejected the recommendation that i should end the war by immediately withdrawing all of our forces. I chose instead to change american policy on both the negotiating front and the battlefront. In order to end the war fought on many fronts, i initiated a pursuit for peace on many fronts. In a television speech on may 14 and in a speech before the united nations, and number of other occasions, i set forth our peace proposals in greater detail. We have offered the complete withdrawal of outside forces within one year. We have proposed a ceasefire. We have offered free elections with the communists are just waiting in the organization and conduct of the elections as an organized political force, and the saigon government has pledged to accept the results of the election. We have not put forth our proposals on a take it or leave it basis. We have indicated we are willing to discuss the proposals put forth by the other side. We have declared anything is negotiable, except for the rights of people of South Vietnam to determine their own future. At the paris peace conference, an ambassador expressed our flexibility in good faith in 40 Public Meetings. Hanoi has refused to discuss our proposals. They demand the unconditional acceptance of their terms, which are that we withdrawal of American Forces and overthrow the government of South Vietnam as we leave. We have not limited our peace initiatives to Public Forums and public statements. I recognize like a long and i recognized that a long and bitter war like this could not be settled usually in a public forum. Thats why in addition to the public statements and negotiations, i have explored every possible private avenue that might lead to a settlement. Tonight, i am taking the unprecedented step of disclosing to you some of our other initiatives for peace. Initiatives we undertook privately and secretly because we thought we thereby might open a door, which, publicly, would be closed. I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. Soon after my election, through an individual who is directly in contact on a personal basis with the leaders of North Vietnam, i made two private offers for a rapid, comprehensive settlement. Hanois replies called for our surrender before negotiations. Since the soviet union furnishes most of the military equipment for North Vietnam, we have met on a number of occasions with representatives of the soviet government to enlist their assistance in getting meaningful negotiations started. In addition, we have had extended discussions directed toward the same end with representatives of other governments which have depomed diplomatic relations with North Vietnam. None of these initiatives have to date produced results. In mid july, i became convinced that it was necessary to make a major move to break the deadlock in the paris talks. I spoke directly, in this office where im now sitting, with an individual who had known ho chi minh on a personal basis for 25 years. Through him, i sent a letter to ho chi minh. I did this outside of the usual diplomatic channels with the hope of making statements with propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress for bringing the war to an end. Let me read from that letter to you now. Dear mr. President , i realize it is difficult to communicate meaningfully across the gulf of four years of war. But, precisely because of this gulf, i wanted to take this opportunity to reaffirm in all solemnity my desire to work for a just peace. I deeply believe the war in vietnam has gone on too long. Delay in bringing it to an end can benefit no one, least of all the people of vietnam. The time has come to move forward at the conference table towards an early resolution of this tragic war. You will find us forthcoming and openminded in a common effort to bring the blessings of peace to the great people of vietnam. Let history record that at this critical juncture, both sides turned towards peace rather than towards conflict and war. I received ho chi minhs reply three days before his death. It simply reiterated the public position North Vietnam had taken in paris and flatly rejected my initiative. The full text of both letters is being released to the press. In addition to the Public Meetings i referred to, Ambassador Lodge has met with vietnams chief negotiator in paris in 11 private sessions. And we have taken other significant initiatives that must remain secret to keep open some channels of communications, which may still prove to be productive. But the effect of all of the public, private, and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since a year ago, and since this administration came into office on january 20, can be summed up in one sentence. No progress what ever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table. Well, now who is at fault . It has become clear that the obstacle in negotiating the end of the war is not the president of the United States. It is not the South Vietnamese government. The obstacle is the other sides absolute refusal to show the least willingness in seeking a just peace. And it will not do so while it is convinced that all it has to do is to wait for our next concession. And our next concession after that one. Until it gets everything it wants. There can now be no longer any question that progress in negotiation depends only on hanoi deciding to negotiate seriously. I realize that this report on on our efforts on the diplomatic front is discouraging to the American People. But the American People are entitled to know the truth, the bad news as well as the good news, when the lives of our young men are involved. Let me turn to a more encouraging report on another front. At the time we launched our search for peace, i recognized we might not succeed in bringing the end of the war through negotiation. I, therefore, put into effect another plan to bring peace. A plan which will bring the war to an end, regardless of what happens on the negotiating front. It is in line with a major shift in u. S. Foreignpolicy, which i described in my press conference in guam on july 25. Let me briefly explain what has been described as the nixon doctrine. A policy which not only will help end the war in vietnam, but which is an essential element of our program to prevent future vietnams. We americans are a doityourself people and impatient people, and instead of teaching someone else to do a job, we like to do it ourselves. And this trait has been carried into our foreign policy. In korea and again in vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, the arms, and the the men to help those countries defend their freedom against communist aggression. Before any american troops were committed to vietnam, the leader of another asian country expressed this opinion to me when i was traveling in asia as a private citizen. He said, when you are assisting another nation to defend its freedom, u. S. Policy should be to help them fight the war but not to fight the war for them. In accordance with this wise counsel, i laid down in guam three principles as guidelines to future american policy towards asia. First, the United States will keep all of its treaty commitments. Second, we shall provide a shield if a Nuclear Power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security. Third, in cases involving other types of aggression, we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments, but we should look for the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense. After i announced this policy, i found the leaders of the philippines, thailand, vietnam and other countries which might be threatened by communist aggression welcomed this new direction in American Foreign policy. The defense of freedom is everybodys business, not just americas business. And it is particularly the responsibility of the people whose freedom is threatened. In the Previous Administration, we americanized the war in vietnam. In this administration, we are vietnamizing the search for peace. The policy of the Previous Administration not only assumed primary responsibility for fighting the war more significant, did not adequately express the goal of strengthening the South Vietnamese so that they could defend themselves when we left. The plan was launched following secretary layered the secretaries visit to vietnam in march. Under the plan, i ordered a substantial increase in the training and equipment of South Vietnamese forces. In july, on my visit to vietnam, i changed general abrams orders so that they were consistent with the objectives of our new policy. Under the new orders, the primary mission of our troops is to enable the South Vietnamese forces to assume the full responsibility for the security of South Vietnam. Our air operations have been reduced by over 20 , and now, we have begun to see the results of this long overdue change in american policy in vietnam. After five years of americans going into vietnam, we are finally bringing american men home. By december 15, over 60,000 men will have been withdrawn from South Vietnam, including 20 of all of our combat forces. The South Vietnamese have continued to gain in strength. As a result, they have been able to take over combat responsibilities from our troops. Two other Significant Developments have occurred since this administration took office. Enemy infiltration, which is essential if they are to launch a major attack, over the last three months, is less than 20 of what it was over the same period last year. Most important, the United States casualties have declined during the last two months to the lowest point in three years. Let me now turn to our program for the future. We have adopted a plan, which we have worked out in cooperation with the South Vietnamese for the complete withdrawal of all u. S. Combat ground forces, and their replacement by South Vietnamese forces on an orderly, scheduled timetable. This withdrawal will be made from strength and not from weakness. As South Vietnamese forces become stronger, the rate of american withdrawal can become greater. I have not and do not intend to announce the timetable for our program, and there are obvious reasons for this decision, which im sure you will understand. On several occasions, the rate as i have indicated on several occasions, the rate of withdrawal will depend on several fronts. One of these is the progress that can be or might be made in the paris talks. An announcement of a fixed timetable for our withdrawal would completely remove any incentive for the enemy to negotiate an agreement. They would simply wait until our forces have withdrawn and move in. The other factors is the progress of the Training Programs of southern vietnamese forces. And im glad to be able to report tonight, progress on both fronts has been greater than we in june when we started the program for withdrawal. As a result, our timetable is more optimistic now than when we made our first estimates in june. This clearly demonstrates why it is not wise to be frozen on a fixed timetable. We must retain the flexibility. We must base each decision based on information at that time rather than estimates that are no longer valid. Along with this optimistic estimate, i must leave one note of caution. If the level of enemy activity significantly increases, we might have to adjust our timetable accordingly. However, i want the record to be completely clear on one point. At the time of the bombing halt one year ago, there was some confusion as to whether there was an understanding on the part of the enemy that if we stop the bombing of North Vietnam, they would stop the shelling of cities in South Vietnam. I want to be sure that there is no misunderstanding on the part of the enemy with regard to our withdrawal program. We have noted a reduced level of infiltration, the reduction of our casualties, and are basing our withdrawal decisions partially on those factors. If the level of infiltration, or our casualties increase while we are trying to scale down the fighting, it will be the result of a conscious decision by the enemy. Hanoi could make no greater mistake than to assume an increase in violence will be to its advantage. If i conclude that increased enemy action jeopardizes our remaining forces in vietnam, i shall not hesitate to take strong and effective measures to deal with that situation. This is not a threat. This is a statement of policy, which, as commanderinchief of our armed forces, i am making and meeting my responsibility for the protection of American Fighting men, wherever they may be. Like all americans, im sure you can recognize from what i said that we really only have two choices open to us if we want to end this war. I could order an immediate withdrawal of americans from vietnam without regards to the effects of that action. Or, we can persist in a just in our search for a just peace through a negotiation of settlements, all with our plan, if necessary. A plan in which we should withdraw all of our forces in vietnam, on a schedule, in accordance with the program, as the South Vietnamese to become Strong Enough to defend their own freedom. I have chosen the second course. It is not the easy way. It is the right way. It is a plan which will end the war and serve the cause of peace. Not just in vietnam, but in the pacific and in the world. Speaking of the consequences of a precipitous withdrawal, i mentioned that our allies would lose confidence in america. Far more dangerous, we would lose confidence in ourselves. Or, the Immediate Reaction would be a sense of relief that our men were coming home. But, as we saw the consequences of what we had done, inevitable remorse would scar our spirit as a people. We have faced other crises in our history and we have become a stronger by rejecting the easy way out and taking the right way in meeting our challenges. Our greatness as a nation has been our capacity to do what has to be done when we knew our course was right. I recognize that some of my fellow citizens disagree with the plan for peace that i have chosen. Honest and patriotic americans have reached different conclusions as to how peace should be achieved. In san francisco, i saw demonstrators carrying signs reading lose in vietnam, bring the boys home. Well, one of the strengths of our free society is that any american has the right to reach that conclusion and advocate that point of view. But, as president of the United States, i would be untrue to my oath of office if i allowed the policy of this nation to be dictated by the minority who hold that point of view and to try to impose it on the nation by mounting demonstrations in the streets. For almost 200 years, the policy of this nation has been made under our constitution. By those leaders in the congress and white house, elected by all the people. If a vocal minority, however fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this nation has no future as a free society. And now, i would like to address a word, if i may, to the young people of this nation who are particularly concerned, and i understand why they are concerned about this war. I respect your idealism. I share your concern for peace. I want peace as much as you do. There are powerful, personal reasons i wanted to end the war. This week, i will have to sign 83 letters to mothers, fathers, wives and loved ones of men who have given their lives in vietnam. Its very little satisfaction to me that this is only one third as many letters as i signed the first week in office. There is nothing i want more than to see the day come when i do not have to write any of those letters. I want to end the war to save the lives of those good men in vietnam. But, i want to end it in a way that will increase the chance that their younger brothers and sons will not have to fight in some future vietnam someplace in the world. And i want to end the war for another reason. I want to end it so the energy and dedication of you, our young people, often directed in the bitter hatred of those responsible for the war, can turn to the great challenges of peace, a better life for all americans. A better life for all people on this earth. I have chosen a plan for peace. I believe it will succeed. If it does not succeed, what the critics say now wont matter. Or if it does succeed, what the critics say now wont matter. If it does not succeed, anything i say then wont matter. I know it may not be fashionable to speak of patriotism or National Destiny these days, but i feel it is appropriate to do so on this occasion. 200 years ago, this nation was weak and poor, but even then, america was the hope of millions of the world. Today, we have become the strongest and richest nation in the world, and the wheel of destiny has turned so that any hope of world has for the survival of peace and freedom will be determined by whether the American People have the moral standard and courage to meet the challenge of free world leadership. Let historians not record that when america was the most powerful nation in the world, we passed on the other side of the road and allowed the last hopes for peace and freedom of millions people to be suffocated by the forces of totalitarianism. So, tonight, to you, the great silent majority, my fellow americans, i ask for your support. I pledged in my campaign for the presidency to end the war in a way that we could win the peace. I have initiated a plan of action which will enable me to keep that pledge. The more support i can have from the American People, the sooner the pledge can be redeemed. The more divided we are at home, the less likely the enemy is to negotiate in paris. Let us be united for peace. Let us also be united against defeat. Because, let us understand, North Vietnam cannot defeat or humiliate the United States. Only americans can do that. 50 years ago, in this room and at this very desk, president Woodrow Wilson spoke words which caught the imagination of a war weary world. He said this is the war to end wars. His dream for peace after world war i was shattered on the hard realities of great power politics. Woodrow wilson died a broken man. Tonight, i do not tell you that the war in vietnam is a war to end wars, but i will tell you this. I have initiated a plan to end the war in a way that will bring us closer to that great goal to which Woodrow Wilson and every american president in our history has been dedicated. The goal of a just and lasting peace. As president , i hold the responsibility for choosing the best path of that goal and then leading the nation along it. I pledge to you, tonight, that i shall meet this responsibility with all of the strength and wisdom i can command. In accordance with your hopes, mindful of your concerns, sustained by your prayers. Thank you and good night. Each week, American History tvs reel america renew archival films that provide context for todays Public Affairs issues. We are just going to tell you about our veins and arteries and how they are like the roads and highways of the body. It is through them the little workers get around to the different organs, or factories, and do their jobs. Remember we said your body is like a city . A model city in which everything runs smoothly and will continue to do so as long as it is left undisturbed. Undisturbed by the invader disease. You see the wall around the city has a gate through which supplies of Raw Materials must be taken. Suppose, for example, you are loading up a new stock of groceries bread and butter, lots of jam, ice cream and cake. This peaceful city never heard of the invader, but look, the enemy, it is a deadly disease germ all right. But it is only one, what harm can he do against the millions of little workers . Just watch him. Two and foure are and eight and more to come. Now we understand why diseases are so deadly. They have the power to transform themselves quickly into gigantic menacing forces. He doesnt look so harmless now, does he . Before you know it, they multiply themselves into millions. Themselves but there arent enough weapons to go around and it is only with guns that the invaders can be conquered. There is nothing to stop them here because the body is not prepared. Factories arehe converted into the manufacture of weapons. They are too slow and as the ranks of the invader multiply, we see it is already too late. This city is blacked out forever , yet it could have been saved. City, orboys, this rather this man, died because his body did not have arms or our munition ammunition, against disease. He was not prepared simply because he failed to take advantage of the greatest weapon against disease that medical science has to offer, vaccination. Men and all of the countries of the world have struggled hereafter year, even given their lives in order we might live. Eur and others have worked to great this harmless fellow who will protect us. He doesnt look like much but wait until you see what he can do for us. First we have to get him into the body and that is where vaccination plays its part. Smallpox,ting against and ordinary point presses sideways against the skin, letting in a few of the little helpers. Bodyhe lookouts inside the did not notice these little , they see strangers entering the city and to them it is a real invasion. The army marches fourth to battle. In this case, there is nothing to fear from the invaders. Nevertheless, the factories of ae body immediately go into more time basis. This time, the body is winning and has all the time to produce arms and ammunition. They work day and night, seven days a week, 24 hours a day, building the weapons to fight the disease. Meanwhile, the soldiers are routing the artificial invaders and soon the battle is completely won. Look at the tremendous supply of arms and ammunition the body has made for itself because of vaccination. We are ready for the invader, let him come. Suppose you should catch a deadly disease out of the air itself, because eating isnt the only way invaders can enter. Dustfly around on tiny particles or drops of moisture. They could be all around us anywhere, anytime. But if you have been vaccinated, you dont have to worry because your body is prepared against the invader no matter which way he chooses to enter. Here they come, Airborne Troops launching a deadly attack. They are sure of themselves, confident of their power, but have a real surprise in store this time. [sirens] here we see a modern, Mechanized Army moving into battle, equipped with the Deadly Weapons they have built up through vaccination. The black hoard continues its advance. This is no false alarm, it is a fullscale envision invasion. But the army of the body is prepared. It slashes them to ribbons. Watch the firepower overcome the deadly disease germs. On every hand we see brilliant examples of military strategy. You are watching American History tv. With coverage, eyewitness accounts, archival films, lectures and College Classrooms and visits to museums and historic places. All weekend, every weekend on cspan 3. Announcer each week, American History tvs american artifacts visits historic places. Next we travel to philadelphias National Historical park, congress hall, the Meeting Place for congress from 1790 until 1800. Our guide is park Ranger Matthew ifill. Mr. Ifill we are standing in the old house of representatives. Although originally it was a county courthouse of philadelphia. But in the years that washingtonc
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