President hang out the banner, well take ike to washington. Where were going, travel day and night well all go with ike. You like ike, i like ike everybody likes ike well hang out the banner well take ike to washington now is the time for all good americans to come to the aid of their country. Ike. So glad bob. N, bob ike. E. Bob. Im so glad were friends again, bob. Yes, ike. we agree on everything. Lets never separate again, bob. Never again, ike. Bob. Ike. Bob. Ike. Will ike and bob really live happily ever after . Is the white house big enough for both of them . Stay tuned for a musical interlude. Ruben, reuben, ive been thinking bob and ike now think alike with the general in the white house amorders, bob. Eofof the or ike . Ill vote for adlai and johne were pleased to be joined by professor of Mass Communications and author of daisy petals and mushroom jo clouds. A look at tv political advertising. Professor mann, thank you for joining us here. Thank you. Good to be with you this first e morning. Weevision start with 1952. That was the first year that television was used as a medium for political ads. Yeah. Television had been used a little bit in 1948 to broadcast the Democratic Convention. Harry truman made a speech from new jersey att the latter part f the race in 1948, and it was aired on a Regional Television linkup along the east coast. T but, really, 1952 is the first time you saw candidates advertising in a way that was p not just a speech. So even though, you know, were going to see a lot of spots thim morning, these 30 and 60second spots, the candidates still saw a way to give speeches. So in 1962, for example, even though Adlai Stevenson, the democratic nominee, and ike ive eisenhower, the republican nominee, the vast number of people who were seeing them were seeing them give 30minute n tus speeches. Andidate stevenson gave three 18minute speeches on tuesdays and d thursdays in the latter part of the campaign. Both candidates were very reluctant to do this kind of spot advertising. They saw politics as being more dignified. They saw spots as the way you sell soup, soap and cereal, not lofty political ideas. We are going to see a lot of spots, a lot of ads in the next hour with robert mann from lsu. We welcome your calls and ads that are particularly notable for you. Crats, democrats, 2074088000, and i understandtevenson pents, 2074r so they had to be pushed to do y advertising, correct . Fam there was an advertising executive who is fairly the prominent, Fairly Famous for his innovations at the time, robert reed who worked for the bates candida candidacy, and he worked for the campaign to honor their advertisements. As i said ches, earlier, they t it would just be speeches. Reed looks at his announcement speech during theenhowe campaigd made two major conclusions, that eisenhower was a terrible speaker, and that these 30minute speeches were just to complex, too long, that people left the speechch without havina single idea of really what it was about. S. It was just kind of a jum beble issues. He convinced eisenhower to do l this spot advertising, and the major way people were seeing eisenhower spots was not this simated spot, this jingle you just awsaw, which was interesti people enjoy watching itbu because it sort oo recognizes the First Political spot. But most eisenhower spots were these 20second eisenhower answerer americas spots. Nhower he would just look in the camera and answer random questions from the street. G eisenhower thought it was humiliating. Of the stevenson thought his spots were a humiliating exercise that nso. Degraded the canndidacy and the president. Two kinds of ads we saw from Adlai Stevenson. N that one, the donkeys in the ad for thencandidate eisenhower kind of a negative ad in that regardy and, two, who is bob in the rds Adlai Stevenson . So the donkeys that you see i going backwards which as you point out is sort of a subtle, negative add that is john sparkman, who was the democratic senator from alabama who was ofe Adlai Stevensons running mate, dean addleson who was much reviled by republicans. Onservat the bob is robert taft who is mr. Conservative, the leader of the republican senator from be ohios son president taft. In eisenhower ran against taft. Taft was his main opponent for the nomination in 1952, and to e win tafts support, he went from taft and promised that he would support hiss conservative agend and even told taft he would give him some patronage. In lov people thought taft was now controlling the nominee. The th the point is theyve fallen in love and taft is going to be ths power behind the throne if eisenhower is elected president. The title of your book, bob mann, is daisy petals and d by t mushroom clouds based on the daisy ad. And the 1964 ad in the Lyndon Johnson campaign, and well follow that with ads from the golden water campaign. Heres a look. One, two, three, four, five, seven, six, six, eight, nine 10, 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, n 1. These are the stakes, to make a world in which all of gods children can live. We must either love each other oror we must die. Announcer vote for president johnson on november 3rd. The stakes hig areh fo too high to stay home. Grab swindles juvenile delinquency has to crime mediat riots hear what Barry Goldwater had tomedi say about our lackatel of leadership. The leadership in this natio has the clear challenge to go to work effectively and go to work immediately to restore propers respect for law and order in this land, and not just prior to election day, either. Americas greatness is the yo greatness ofu our people. Is ger and let this generation then make a new mark for that greatness. Let this generation of americane set a standard of responsibility that will inspire the world. Announcer in your heart, you know hes right. ther vote for Barry Goldwater. There is a lot there, bob mann, but start with the daisy ad and tell us the tenor of the times, 1964, and why that ad came about. Well, thank you for asking me to set the stage because i think it really is important to understand the atmosphere in thn country at that time in 1964. Ilr were still in the shadow of the cuban missile crisis. Were still armed to the teeth facing the soviet union, which is also armed to the teeth with Nuclear Weapons. People at that time are really fearful that the soviet union and the United States, even o though the cuban missile crisis had been resolved, we would nala still end up goingnd to war wit them and it would not be a conventional land war, it would be a nuclear war that would destroy much of the world. E and so in that environment comen goldwater, a republican senator from arizona in the 60s, using a lot of bellicose. When president johnson talks d about nuclear bombs, goldwater calls Nuclear Weapons just that another weapon. A he made a lot of comments like that over the years that showedt that that suggested that he e was kind off reckless and was nt serious about the responsibility of being president when it camew to using Nuclear Weapons. So people already knew that i goldwaters position on that very itwell, and thats why it takes advantage its clever in so many ways. It never mentions goldwater, as you noticed, because it didnt d need to. Give a s the people who created that spow realized all they had to do was sort of giveve a story and let n viewers do the work, let the viewers fill in the blanks with the information and knowledge and emotions they brought to kia that ndspot. So eff thats what makes it so groundbreaking, so clever, and i think soo effective is it put the viewers to work. Hey ha it didnt give them a lot of information. It assumed they had a lot of onr information and used that information in a very clear and clever way. Isnt it true that daisy had only ran it once on tell sflievt it ran as a paid ad in 1964. Probably 50 million to 60 someth million peoplein saw that ad wh it aired. It wasnt unusual to have it air a couple times and move on to something else. Go ahead. The spot did air on several i network news broadcasts in its entirety later in the week, because it started making news,p and the goldmaurt people, some republican officials started to reject it, and im guessing that between 70 and 100 million es people saw it byting the end of week. I think its interesting that we always associate Richard Nixon with the watergate campaign, but with Barry Goldwater, thats his message. And that spot you saw there is a distidistillation that the Goldwater Campaign made called choice, and they planned to air it ass a Political Program s television. Goldwater saw it and he said it was a racist spot. He stopped it from being run by the Goldwater Campaign on national television. It did get run on regional, ho localus television stations and lot of house parties, but they did take the essence of it and i distill it down to this desecond sdmot take awhe de john f. Kennedy wasgr seen by a lot of republicans as adding to and causingcivi a lot of moral degradation of the country, thee civil rightstn movement and som of the there werent a lot of protests over the vietnam war a that time, but all this unrest and unsettling environment were growing, and conservatives werey nervous and scared about it. Goldwater and his campaign were trying to take advantage of that fear and growing unease with a certain percentage of the population. We are looking at the histors of president ial campaign tv jon advertisingal on sixapproximat months. Well get to your fairly. Dem crass, 602, 7,00004. Twitter from michael says tv in its infancy morks reflected on. The ads shown during r intermissions. Plus the culture was much more h conservative then. His observation. To from 1952 through 1964, i object infancy is the right word to use. People who were doing this stuff for politicians were really experimenting. They didnt really know what d they were doing. Ey werer today you wouldtoda go and hiree political professional, an ad firm that specialized only in producing political spots that relied on just gobs of Public Opinion research and focus groups. They just didnt know anything about that. This was technicians producing these spots. It was really people that arranged a presentation of a 30minute speech or a fiveminute distillation of a yn 30minute speech on air. It wasnt until the national firmrm got the account that did Lyndon Johnsons campaign that h true principles were brought ton president ial campaigns. P the reason i wrote this book is because to me, this is a hinge moment when people saw, oh, this is how you get it done. This is how you advertise w political orideas,k you create t spots that are interesting, that are clever. They put the viewers ook at information back to t work, not just the political ideas. You can see there is a moment in time when everything changes. Lets go to brent in jacksonville, florida. Ou good doingmorning, youre on w professor mann. Caller good morning. How you doing . Ust ha good, thank you. Caller i just have a mestion about the modern day president ial commercials. It just seems to me biden you said he ran for president because of the fine people, of comments r by President Trump, d he seems to cut out right after that line where he condemned white supremacists, neonazis, but thats all hes left out. Do you know what im saying . Brent, mr. Mann, what are some of your ideas of modern day present ads versus what were seeing here in 1964 . Theyre a torrent of ads and theyre targetedwa in a way then arent today. The goldwater ad aired mostly on national television, and even then, there were certainly swing states, more of them than we eaf have today,or but they were jus broadcasts. They were meant for almost everyone to see them, so they werent targeted. Based today what you see is a much more finely sliced and diced electorate based on the o profiling and polling that these candidates and their campaigns r do. So when you see an ad, especially if you see it onlinea youre justlly scrolling throus internetet on a website and t n you seet an ad, thats usuallyn ad meant just for you. It wasnt meant for your en mea neighbor, it wasnt even maybe meant for your spouse or. Children. It was meant for you because of your shopping behavior, your to buying behavior, your registration, where you live. S these ads are much more finely targeted to people. It doesnt mean they always hito thepp mark, but other than stylistic reasons, that was the most effective way to advertise prior to the internet. Presiden thank you for calling. Just doing the research, i remember in 1961, president kennedy did a speech at the waldorf astoria called the outh president and the e press and then you had the edward r. Murrow talking about the media. He now you see the media is not monitoring properly. En the were those men right, were kennedy and murrah wlright whenm they say were not using television to write, it just seems like thats where weve e gotten to rather than supplying useful information to the people. Thanks, john. Thats a very good question. I would say they were not so much right but they were prescient. I would say in the early to mid60s, there was an advantageo and a disadvantage. You may not have had a lot of access to different sources of news over three major networks, maybe you had a couple local newspapers, some radio, but they were genuinely agreedupon factd that if something happened, every americanan had the same basic understanding of that. You may think thats good, you may think its bad, its just wherever we are. On were a totally practicing me t meant fragmented nation, and were not hearing the same thing, were not talking about the same thing, and personally,n im not sure thats a good thing, but it is what it is. And i think kennedy and those si wereng probably prescient. Maybe they saw what was coming or maybean they were criticizin something that they certainly didnt anticipate the internet, but here we are. Lets go to tim, north ois, chicago, illinois, on our independent line. Cak you good morning. Good morning and thank you for cspan and mr. Mann. The question has to do with the rules and ethics of political campaigns, president ial , campaigns. T of historically, and especially up to present day, is there a commission or a set of rules that campaigns must follow to make sure campaign ads are done properly outside of slander . Excellent question. In the 1960s, there is a Fair Election practices commission, there was a ents andnonpartisan commission that didnt have a whole lot of teeth to it but it could make some judgments and i pronouncements andin declare th the spot was unfair and maybe embarrass a candidate into removing an add or changing an ad. Ht sort rules of the prevailins since the advent of television have been the federal Elections Commission andmo the principle enshrined in our law and our constitution that the politicald speech is the most highly protected form of speech. So, you know, candidates have generally been ablete to say whatever they want to say in vin their ads, and television stations cannot center those. They cant tell them, you cant say that. Its the most highly protected m form of osspeech. Of voter so candidates really are mostly governed by the judgment of the voters, by the people. If i say this, its not that its wrong or illegal, its will the voters react horribly to ita will it backfire on me . Honestly, thats really the maih check that candidates in the candidate committees not thirdparty committees which are under different rules, but candidates can pretty much say what they want. Morent more ofof your calls join momentarily and some comments on text and twitter, and this generation of television paign. Professor s with robert mann. Lets move on to two ads from the 1968 campaign. It is time for an honest look at the problem of order in the United States. Ge, ther dissent is a necessary iolenc ingredient for change, but for what provides for peaceful change, there is a resort to oi violence. Keep ined sta mind that every c has a right in america to be free from public violence. So i pledge to you, we shall have order in the United States. [ laughter ] so, bob mann, the first one , on the nixon ad, the tag line that said vote like your whole world depended on it, that was very reflective of the ad that goldwater, in your heart ater you know hes right. T. I love those statements. The goldwater statement, i always tell my students thats t great example that you really ve ought to focus group your slogan, your tag line, because it didnt take the Johnson Campaign five minutes to respond to with in your heart you know n hes right or in your heart you know he might. Those tag lines were really big in those days, and but, yeahs that is a reflection of the sense that republicans and conservatives had that the worln was sort of falling apart, crumbling apart, traditional conservatism, this right for t. Order, and law and order has been the wayy to express that fr a very long time. One observation on the tag line from twitter by cynthia, she says, 1964s in your heart, you know hes right becomes suburbs under threat in 2020. The ad on agnew, did people gett that ad at the time . Its in the same spirit that its using emotions that voterso at least its trying to, and theyre expected to do some of the work. You know, the agnew of october 1968 in the voters mind was certainly not the agnew of 1974 in voters minds, but there were questions about agnews behavior, his ethics, his morality at the time. Agnew was already making statements that were mildly he s embarrassing to the republicans, and so it was he was unknown. He was a largely unknown person, so it was just a way of t ridiculing talking him a lightweight or unknown. That spot would have had much more residence if you ran it ino 1972 or 1974. T in the i i have a quick question for you which asks, how much did a e commercial cost back in the 50s and 60s to run . Good question. Your if you were going to it depended what show you were running it in. A lot of it depended on your production costs. Ill just give you one example that i know of, the daisy girls spot. It cost around 20, 25,000 to buy the time on nbc to run it for a minute and probably cost another 10 to 20,000 to produce. I cant remem