A healthy democracy does not just look like this. It looks like this. Where americans can see democracy at work. Citizens are truly informed and a republic thrives. Get informed, straight from the source. On cspan, unfiltered, unbiased, word for word from the nation mighty capital to wherever you are. The opinion that matters the most is your own. This is what democracy looks like. Cspan, powered by cable. Are four panelists are David Cartwright, who is Professor Emeritus at the university of notre dame. And the former director of policy studies at the Kroc Institute for International Peace in studies. He is the author of many books including ngpeace works, the citizens role in ending the cold war. Peace, a history of movements us and ideas and as the springboard for this session, a peaceful superpower lessons from the largest Antiwar Movement, which was just published this year on the 20th anniversary, more or less, of the start of the u. S. Work in iraq. I think all of you who registered in advanced received a pdf of that book. From 1978 to 1988, david was the executive ntdirector of san at first and then same freeze after the two organizations merged. He was an antivietnam war activist as an enlisted soldier. He was later in 2002, a founder of win without war, which he discusses in the book, a peaceful superpower. We will next go to my right, carolyn rustyeisenberg, who is professor of history at hofstra university. She just published this year, fire and rain, nixon, kissinger and the wars in southeast asia. Her first book, drawing the line the american decision to divide germany, 1944 to 19 49 one the bryn athyn prides from the society for historians of American Foreign relations. An activist as well as a historian. Rusty was a cofounder of brooklyn for peace, which is where i first met her in the early 1990s when it was called brooklyn parents for peace. She was a legislative coordinator for united for peace and justice during the iraq war and a member of the Steering Committee of historians against the war. Third, we have the honor of being joined from london on zo the campaign for Nuclear Disarmamentse since 2010 she has served earlier as chair of c and d since 2003. Kate became active in the Peace Movement in the 1980s and the upsurge against placement of cruise missiles and britain. She is especially proud of helping to, quote, embrace the base up the common in 1982 along with 30,000, she says, other women. Her cnd and other antiwar work has led to International Cooperation, as you can imagine. She has also a story by profession. She was the head of social and policy studies at Londons Southbank university she is the author of several books including the new european left a socialism for the 21st century. I believe there is a question mark there. And the most enduring movement. Last but not least, were joined by jonathan, who is an antioppression organizer who had embraced his activist calling as an undergraduate at Howard University in the late 1990s. P in 2006, as an enlisted member of the u. S. Navy, jonathan cofounded the appeal for peace sorry, cofounded the appear for redress from the iraq war through which almost 3000 active Duty National guard and reserve personnel wrote to Congress Calling for an end to the war and occupations in and of iraq and afghanistan but the appeal received wide Media Coverage including being featured on 60 minutes. It was were to be human rights award from the institute for policy studies in 2007. That same year, jonathan received the social courage award from the peace and justice studies association. Jonathan is the author of antiwar soldier, right there. How do dissent within the ranks of the military. It was published in 2008 and for which David Cartwright wrote the introduction. Jonathan also wrote in a chapter in the important 2022 collection, paths of dissent soldiers speak out against americas misguided wars. Very distinguished panel to talk about the movement against the war in iraq we will start with David Cartwright. Thank you for that kind introduction. It has really been more difficult to talk about peace history at a time when two major wars raging with great risk of escalation on those words and dozens of other Armed Conflicts around the world. We think especially about the wars now in gaza and ukraine. Precisely because of that, it is all the more urgent and necessary that we talk about peace history. Very appropriate to discuss this book and the history of the iraq movement to a debate about the iraq war. I would like to say to viewers about its relevance in gaza and ukraine. It was investing the other day when President Biden was in jerusalem in israel, he warned the israeli leaders not to make the mistakes that we did in the United States in the aftermath of 9 11. We remember that period with beer, anger and the mood of the public. Too quickly our country went to war. It is interesting to remember that the Antiwar Movement arose at precisely that moment when a whole number of groups together began to call for a just and peaceful response to the 9 11 attacks. And warned that war is not the answer. That war creates more terrorism, not less. That we have to address the underlying conditions that gave rise to this kind of violent extremism. In we talked in that movement throughout the effort to try to stop the invasion about the viable alternatives that exist at that time. There were u. N. And expections inspections work in iraq. Give them more time to work and work with United Nations and address the problems that cause communities to rise up in violence with this kind of extremism. We really try, from the very beginning, point to the evidence and to show that from what we know in other cases, historically, terrorism does not end the war. It actually increases. It takes a political settlement. It takes good policing and good governments but war is not the answer. We also talked about the human cost. Inevitably, more people died. You can never bring back the 3000 americans who died or bring back the 1300 israelis who are massacred in that brutal atrocity by hamas. More war will only add to the death toll of course, we saw that in iraq nudges with the 4500 american troops who died we seldom think about entering the 20th anniversary occasion of the work, very few people mentioned that the best science will tell us that at least 400,000, to be 500,000 iraqis died from the time when we started this war until we left in 2011. This is the cost of war. We are seeing it rise daily in gaza and d in ukraine. It is such an important motivation for us to constantly emphasize that. I want to say a word about the international, the transnational nature of othis movement. And of the Movement Today and i will try to respond to the war in gaza. Kate can say more about it. It is important to recognize that we are not only mobilizing but that we know february 15, 2003, the largest day of antiwar protest in history. More than 10 Million People around the world protested and people will say, what good was it . I went ahead with the invasion a month later. If you look at what happened politically and in many other countries, germany never join the coalition. Canada refused to join. That spain went along for a while but the new government came in and they left as well. The socalled coalition of the willing was effective religion that had no real contribution to the war. There was an International Movement which had an impact. This was evident in the debate at the United Nations right before the war. You recall that in november of preco2, the Un Security Council adopted this resolution 1411 with authorize the renewal of rethe inspections. The u. S. And the uk try to include in that resolution i was calling for, quote, all necessary means with the use of force and the sanctions are not effective. The states and the Security Council refused to accept that. When the religion was adopted there was no authority for any use of force. Bush came back in early of three to try to get a resolution for that. They brought up to the surety counsel and return down. That was part of a process of synergy between the Antiwar Movement around the world and the diplomats and delegates to the United Nations. We, as a movement, we cannot use force without the authority of the Un Security Council. The Security Council had backup by the movement. In his weimar, bush talks about how he called governments to try to get the support. They would not do it. Even longstanding American Allies would not support this resolution because their own publics were demanding not to join the war 8 or more in mexico and other such countries. It was a unique example of Civil Society mobilizing to give some backbone to the delicates at the United Nations who turned down the authority for the u. S. The Bush Administration had run on the Security Council has not fulfilled its mission. I would say if felt it beautifully. It was one of the great moments. To say no to its most powerful Member States and probably the first time when the you and try to push for something that it could not get its way. Something valuable here that can help you in trying to dig about where we go today and how to build a more internationalized Transnational Movement to stop these wars in ukraine and gaza and in other places. To try to restore and build the authority of the United Nations. I dont have the answers, exactly. I hope we can have discussion developing ideas. One thing is to work with other nations and other organizations. When we think about gaza, there is a clear consensus that there has to be a ceasefire. We have to stop killing now. And then begin to get some kind of International Process going to build a genuine Peace Process in palestine and israel. I would say to bring to justice those in hamas who authorized and carried out this monumental atrocity against israeli civilians. And israeli leaders who are responsible for these policies of killing of civilians. We can look at that and we can look at the ways in which the United States can use its clout both in israel but also in ukraine to push for a Peace Process. It is up to the israelis and ukrainians. Ultimately, it is. We have an interest in seeing a negotiated settlement. The United States, i think, should take a more proactive stance and recognize that if there is a Peace Process or ceasefire, that is not enough. It is only the beginning. There needs to be international monitoring. There needs to be International Authority for the United Nation has to be involved. The nations together can Work Together to police eight police process in these places. With those few thoughts, i will end to say that i think history from iraq remains important and we can apply to try to end the conflicts we are facing today. Thank you, david. We will move to Carolyn Eisenberg. Is it working . In my remarks this afternoon i will do two things ever managed to avoid the last 60 years. Which is one giving a talk where i do not have a written out in advance. Also, i want to speak more personally. Then i was thinking, why dont i have the talk when youre all here and i have a prepared talk . If i was my students, my students are not having what s they need because theyre driving the grandmother to the hospital. I cannot claim that im driving my grandmother to the hospital. I want to say part of what i am coming in prepared. I teach history of American Foreign policy. About ns i get to talk these things as my job all the time. Yesterday afternoon, i it was a teaching day. I had two different seminars. I had asked my students, what is going on in the middle east . Both of these classes, there was a long silence. Everyone says how israel is horribly attacked. What is happening in gaza . Silence. What about the siege . Assignments. So for and so on. Obviously, there is things i will do about that. I will not just a silent. I think it is significant. And that i suggested to numbers of my colleagues that given the fact the situation in gaza is so grave, maybe they would like to bring this up in their classes. There was great reluctance to do it. Also, suggested to colleagues that we could write a statement , great reluctance to do it. That was the first part of my day. I finally got home and that i was on the phone in meetings about what to do about gaza. And what is happening in the middle east. Everyone started arguing with each other and people are mad at each other. These are very Difficult Conversations to have right now. There is great disagreement about how the Peace Movement talk about what is happening in the middle east. What language do we use . What grievances do we emphasized . Some people may think that is easy but i am not noticing that i think people are really struggling in the Peace Movement to find footing to find what is good footing. I suspect, frankly, several people in this room, who are he also being involved in those processes and discussions. I wanted to say that. Im to go back to iraq. In 2001, when the attack came on 9 11, i was on a fellowship to write my book, fire and rain and the wars in southeast asia. I was at nyu in fellowship. I was doing research on my book but also then, you know, the war in afghanistan. And then what was happening in iraq. I did not think it was reasonable that i would just sit in this office and keep doing my research. There was a lot of work to be done. What i would say i will clarify that a little bit in many ways first, it took me 20 years to write this book. That is partly because of all the antiwar things needed to get them i would also say that what i learned about the Nixon Administration actually did inform some of my role and what to do about iraq and being of the committee. As robert said, i was the legislative coordinator with gail murphy. In my brain, these things were absolutely, you know, in and out together. What did i learn for my research and how that apply . People should know that even though you think that every single thing that needed to be known about Richard Nixon and kissinger was on 25 years ago, it is not true. There were so many bad things. You cannot begin. In addition to that, there was thousands and thousands of pages that were getting declassified. From 2001 to this morning, they still have not filleted declassified all of the deeds. From that declassified record, one of the things that i got to see was the impact of the ki Antiwar Movement. On administration policy. You could not really know that you certainly had hints of that. I would say, speaking for myself and every friend i had a, we felt nothing was working. We are at this demonstration are doing that. People are totally grim and nothing were doing is making any difference. What other things that was surprising to me when i went through the records is that i think we made a lot more of a difference than we ever thought. At one point, which might be controversial here, a thing that happened from nixons forced fourth month in office , is that he began pulling troops out. Every couple months he was taking another 50,000 troops out. I would say in the land that we all hated that. He is taking the troops out but he is taking over cambodia. It is a trick. It did not give any credence to that. Actually, it was kind of a big deal. One is that by the time the election whatever that ear, 1972 happened, there were no combat troops left in vietnam. If there were were, it was a small number. That was a big deal. We might not have paid attention but that was pretty substantive. Something that Richard Nixon would not have done if it was not for the domestic clamor that was being caused. That domestic clamor had a number of segments to it. The thing i will not mention right now is that the impact of what was happening in the military. Because all of the speakers know much more about it. Opposite, that is one part of the story about veterans coming home and protesting. Dissent in the army inside vietnam but these are all important things. Another important thing and this has to do with politics, election and congress. What was happening elector he really mattered. Again, most of the people i knew, including me, you know, you never albies resolutions over and over get their hopes up and then they never pass these resolutions and they did not pass them. That was sort of feeling. I started reading the record, i was not sure. To try to compress, in a simple way what you could see is that the fact that these resolutions were about to pass, shaped policy. Nixon had a term for this. We are one