Here. And todays hearing will examine the crisis in libya. I would like to thank our witnesses for again appearing before the committee on this issue. Unfortunately, six years ago, after the nato intervention, libya remains on the brink of civil war. Like many of its neighbors, libya failed to transition into a stable, Representative Democracy hoped for by citizens following the arab spring. And sadly, the libyan people have paid the price. Fighting between militias has undermined internal security, weakened government institutions, and damaged the economy. It is also posing substantial risk to the u. S. And to our allies. Infighting has created a permissive environment for terrorist groups like isis. The organizations gains in libya have led to u. S. Supported military operations last year in places like sert. Weve had some successes there but conditions allowing extremists remain. Many of us agree the libyan political agreement needs to be altered as the current government lacks the power to actually govern the entire country. Little gi but thats only the beginning. No government will be able to provide essential services across the country. Even though libya will still face enormous challenges to fix weak government institutions and turn around the struggling economy. I look forward to our discussion today and hearing from our two witnesses on the views of the crisis and what needs to be done to bring about its peaceful resolution. We will be particularly interested to hear your views on what the u. S. Would do to help achieve these goals. And with that, and what we should expect if isis or other radical groups regain ground in libya. Again, we thank you both for being here. Ambassador, i didnt want you to have to hear all of my Opening Statement, so i went ahead and began. With that, ill turn it over to our distinguished ranking member, senator cardcardin. I thought your Opening Statement was very important to be heard by all, i think want you to know that. Thank you very much for convening this hearing on libya. Yesterday, i had the opportunity to represent this committee along with senator graham, who was representing the appropriations committee. And we met with the ambassadors to the United NationsSecurity Council. We had about a twohour discussion. I thought it was a very helpful discussion. We talked about a whole range of issues, from north korea to reform within the United Nations. Ambassador haley is doing an incredible job of representing our interests. I think her leadership as now the president of the Security Council for this month will be important. Shes focusing on the issues of reform. Shes focusing on the issues of north korea and other areas that the United States has National Security interests. But one of the issues that came up during that discussion by our friends in europe and our friends in africa and the middle east is what will be americas engagement. Will america be a power for the values that we stand for in dealing with global challenges. And that was raised by both friends in europe and the middle east and africa. And i say that because i start with the fact that the United States must be engaged. Its in our National Security interests to have representative governments in countries like libya that represent all of the population, because when we dont have representative governments, what happens is it creates a void. And that void is filled by isis, as weve seen in northern africa. Its filled by russia, and we see now russias engagement in libya, which has not been helpful. And we recognize that its in americas National Security interests engaged. Theyve been able to fill the critical positions and were still not exactly clear what his policies are in regards to libya. I was disappointed in the meeting with Prime Minister of italy that President Trump said i will pa are. Aphrase. We dont have a role in libya. I think we have a role in lib yachlt i think this hearing is an important indication by the congress that we do expect a role to be played. I want to just underscore the importance of representative inclusive government. There is no military solution. Weve seen this too frequently and so many countries in that region. There is no military solution to libya. Wee need an inclusive government. It includes all the different factions. We saw as the chairman pointed out that under the leadership of the gna we were able to make progress. That was important. But we also see with moscows involvement mr. Putins involvement that general hefter in the eastern part of libya is causing all types of problems for civilian control of the country. And is also participating in activities that in my mind raise concerns about Human Rights Violations and war crimes. So there is a role for us to play. If its done right, we not only can have a representative government, the management of the Oil Resources in the north can benefit the people of libya and give them a growing economy and a growing standard of living. That is our goal. I think this hearing can play an important part in the senates oversight of that responsibility. I look forward to hearing from her r our two witnesses. Thank you very much for those comments. Well now turn to our witnesses. First witness is dr. Fred wayrie from the kacarnegie endowment f peace. The next is the ambassador to libya from 2013 to 2015. Thank you for bringing your expertise and knowledge. Bring your opening comments in the order introduced you and summarize in five minutes, we would appreciate it. Without objection, your written testimony will be entered into the record. Youve been here in times. Please proceed. Thank you. Chairman corker, committee members, im grateful for this opportunity to speak with you today about libyas political crisis and the way forward for u. S. Policy. Im honored to be joined by my distinguished copanelist. For those of white house have followed libya since the revolution, its unraveling has been harrowing to watch. Today the u. N. Backed Presidency Council is failing in basic governance, unable to establish itself in feuding militias and inpersonal pals. More important lishgs the council confronts a challenge from an eastern faction led by the general backed by egypt United Arab Emirates and increasingly russia. The allied parliament in the east has refuse to end dors the Presidency Council with the key option being the issue of control over libyas military. Meanwhile, the country slides toward economic ruin. The surge of migrants across the shores remains unchecked and jihadist mill tansy, whether flt form of the Islamic State, al qaeda, or some new mutation could take root. The looming dangers demand immediate engagement from the United States. At the most basic level the United States faces two imperatives. First, preventing resurge enlt of terrorist activity and inclusive representative stable government. On the counterterrorism front, the libyan led Campaign Last summer deprived the Islamic State of any real territory. The remaining Islamic State militants estimated in the low hundreds are currently pooling in the center west and south and they may try to mount a high visibility attack to show their continues viability. What struck me most during my visits last year to libyan areas afflicted by a jihadist presence, whether sert, benghazi or the west is that any traction the Islamic State got was often highly transactional. It was the result of poor governance. And this points to the importance of a broad based approach in denying the jihadist sanctuary. Here nonmilitary strategies are essential. Promoting economic develop ment and municipal governance, education and Civil Society form a vital adjunct to Counter Terrorism tools. In an effort to identify and assist local libyan partners, the United States must proceed carefully, given the absence af truly National Cohesive military, american aid to a particular armed group could upset the balance of power and cause greater factional conflict, moving forward the United States should only back those forces controlled by the internationally recognized government. And even this support should be limited in scope and geared towards specific threats. The second area where american diplomatic engage ment is crucial is the formation of a new government. A starting point for doing this is a new libyan led dialogue backed by the United States with European Partners and regional states. The goal of the talk should the amendment of the libyan agreement of 2015, the composition of the Presidency Council. The new talks should also focus on two tracks abscent in the first agreement. First, they should have include the leaders of the armed groups. They must agree on a road map for building a National Level military structure. Here an american red line must continue to be elected civilian control over the military. Proposals for military rule or military council are hardly a recipe for enduring stability. For most libyans, they run counter to the values for which they fought in 2011 revolution. Second, the talks must also set up a mechanism for the transparent distribution of oil revenues, especiallily to municipal authorities. One such an agreement is in place, the United States and its allies must stand ready to assist whatever government emerges and not just on counterterrorism. With its formal institutions gutted by years of dictatorial rule, the citizens remain the greatest resource. This is why its so important that United States preserve the capacity to engage directly with the libyan people. Mr. Chairman, committee members, my travels across libya underscored the desperation of its plight. Yes, the Islamic State was dealt a significant blow thanks in large measure to the sacrifices of brave libyans. But libya is now more polarized than ever and the growing vacuum could breed future radicalism. Now is the time for American Leadership to avert an impending collapse, safeguard american interests and to help the country realize that early promise of its revolution. Thank you for the opportunity to speak with you here today. Chairman corker, ranking members, distinguished members of the committee. First my apologies as a retiree, i never dealt with the parking downtown coming in from mcclean before on a tuesday morning. But it is my honor to appear before you today on this important vexing matter. Im pleased to appear with a colleague that i consider a Real Authority and one of the most honest authorities or the most honest voices on libya today that i hear. Libya obviously has confounded and frustrated and exhausted policymakers and practitioners alike with the stubborn resistance to the obvious political math of 1. 2 billion barrels of oil today and citizens caught up in the endorphins of revolution. Many assume that libya, like the head of zeus would turn into dubai on the mediterranean and could all go away. It was wishful thinking. Lib yaz not the landscape was not popular. They have a history like any other place. That is of fragmentation. What ive often said to people is that kadavy was not the creator of the fragmentation, the oil well and they had at his disposal. I think its important to remember that post firing a shot, when he came in, he used that oil wealth to bring in power. Like caesar said, like gal, its three separate entities with different historical and political backgrounds and which explain us to often the different influences that play to this day in each of the regions from International Partners. When kadavy died, libya was a mafia without a dawn. And that is the challenge that we have now. Understanding this backdrop is important to understanding the deep divides that followed the revolution which i concluded not long after my arrival in tripoli in 2013 was for all intents and purposes unfinished. There had been highly touted parliamentary vote but essentially thats the equivalent of finding or, you know, buying purchasing a nib for a found an pen that doesnt exist. There was no government behind it. There still remains no infective government behind that. I dont wnlt to repeat a lot what was said here. I read a lengthy background notes which i hope people will read because it contains a different narrative. Many people have described the lines, the splits in libya as somehow secular nationalists versus islamist. Others myself included and i suspect that the doctor would agree, i viewed the situation more in terms of status quo and antielements, some who were pro kadavy versus revolutionary elements with marginal and ideological extremists on both sides. The revolution revealed together with true patriots a significant number of whom were educated in the United States and elsewhere in the west. Some and some unabashed idealogues, as he said, open opportunistic bed fellows whose gain blurred extinctions. I wont go into the narrative of the talks and the long talks there, but i would agree with fred and as we looked over it that over time as we were there observing on the ground and working to advance our mutual interests that it soon became very clear to us that when we were dealing with areas that did not affect the National Patrimony or the appearance of giving advantage to either military side, we were able to accomplish things. On the other hand, efforts to train elite special forces and then to respond to then Prime Ministers april 2013 appeal to g7 leaders to help him build a special purpose for us were frustrated due to that competition, that fractionness in the system. Interestingly throughout the era tech know democrats entrusted with the central bank with the National Oil Company and with the Libyan Investment Authority were left largely alone to do their business indicating to me that libyans, in fact did not want to disturb their wealth, their National Wealth. In fact, we found we worked pretty closely behind the scenes with them to ensure that remained the case. Now unfortunately in the latter years and following the negotiations as the competition has become more fierce, there have been efforts by some to create competing authorities to the dismay, i would say, of the average libyan wloes primary concern is he or she have enough to eat, communicate and ideally to travel. I would only say that and against this background of tripolis political disarray which was significant, benghazi continued to suffer a spate of brazen assassinations and lawlessness at the government had for all intents and purposes removed itself from benghazi with the inInternational Community. And this is when they first appeared in february. And they were at the timest resolution or the agreed dez lugs of the dnc or that it would be. And went on a television what we always called an electroncoup. Did he not stir much response in that effect. Went back underground only reappearing in may and been in benghazi when he declared his basically vij lanlty war against whom individuals he constituted responsible for or he condemned as responsible for benghazis anarchy. Together with this, we had again you know the story the narrative of the National Election thats were held in 2014. I hope you read carefully my paragraph on. That my understanding on that was a bit different. In response to counter threats and threats of heftar moving into libya or tripoli and the declaration by this time of the people on the side that the dialogue was no longer necessary, the militias acted preemptively and, of course, encircled to drive the militias out of tripoli which meant taking them out of areas that they had conquered during the revolution. This was a lot again and again and again about udi about, revolutionary People Holding on to assets whether it is the airport, the tripoli tower that held the Libyan Investment Authority, the Islamic Call Center that was important and later on in terms of territory. There was fighting over this occupied territory that others felt they had no right to is what led to our withdraw and led to eventual withdraw of all diplomatic members or diplomatic institutions or missions in libya at the time. I wont get into the boycott. I will offer a couple of things against this chaotic background, despite the political disarray. The United States during my tenure as chief admission did conduct a number of missions successfully to include the capture of benghazi suspect while engaging credibly with all sides in the political reconciliation talks and with the support of successive libyan governments. In other words, this is not a matter of requires us to pick and choose. Libyans were the first to assert the presence of isil and to seek u. S. Assistance in removing them. They were the first to draw our attention to the growing isil presence in sert. They were historic allen miz of the people who affiliated for similarly open opportunistic reasons. We can