Grown gdpwise 5 per year since 2000. Violent extremism is amongst the major risks to economies in part of africa. Tunisias gdp gross has been cut from 3 to 1 . Chads gdp contracted 1 in 2015 from a growth of 5 in 2014. And countries like kenya and nigeria saw a reduction of 25 of tourism following terrorist attacks. We in undp estimate that at least 33,000 people have died on african soils since 2011 as victims of violent extremism. And 6 million are currently internally displaced due to radicalization. Mr. Chairman, over the last two years undp has held a number of consultations, conducted a series of studies and commissioned research to better understand the violent extremism scourge in africa. These various studies and research converge in showing three major findings. One, while the drivers of radicalization are multifaceted and defy easy analysis, their major roots are to be found in the combination of poverty and low human development, a sense of economic and political exclusion and marginalization and weak social contracts with high level of societal divisions among ethnic or villages lines. Two, the most Fertile Grounds for radicalization are the border areas, which are in most of the countries neglected, ungoverned, weak governance, and in terms of socioeconomic and low socioeconomic and institutional infrastructure. Three, while there are a number of commonalities which drive radicalization there are also some important differences between countries. For example, socioeconomic factors tend to be the permanent drivers in the sahel. The lake chad, the lack chade basin, somalia and nigeria. Whereas political grievances are much more permanent factor in kenya. It is with this research and analysis in mind that undp embarked on the Development Approach which seeks to address the multiple drivers and enablers of radicalization and violent extremism. We have launched a fouryear initiative on preventing and responding to violent extremism in africa which focuses on supporting regional institutions, government, communities, and atrisk individuals to address the drivers and related factors. We are working in epicenter countries, in spillover countries and atrisk countries supporting partners to develop and implement integrated regional and National Policies and strategies. Rule of law, community and faithbased intervention to prevent youth radicalization and deescalate local conflicts. We also promote social cohesion at the community level. Working with local and National Governments to provide basic social services to citizens. We support implement creation and we work with local governments to strengthen Public Administration and the extension of state authority. We have learned that well resourced comprehensive and integrated programs combining security and Development Response offer the best approaches to combatting violent extremism. Let me conclude my remarks by emphasizing that for africa to meet its full Development Potential preventing and responding to violent extremism is a key. This will require coordinated and Collaborative Partnership between government, Development Partners and civil groups. I thank you. Thank you very much. Is that a correct pronouncement . Its correct, chairman. Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member cardin, and distinguished members of the committee, on behalf of the National Democratic institute, ndi, i appreciate the opportunity to discuss terrorism and instability and make the case for why democracy and Good Governance should be a central component of any counterterrorism and Stabilization Strategy in Subsaharan Africa. For more than 30 years ndi has worked around the world to establish and strengthen political and civic organizations, safeguard elections and promote citizen participation accountability in government. The institute has conducted programs in or worked with participants from approximately 50 of africas 54 countries and i have been fortunate to be part of our efforts in many of those countries for the past two decades. Terrorist activity in Subsaharan Africa over the past decade threatens to destabilize the continent and roll back some of the gains and broaden politic political space and participation since the third wave of democracy that began in the 1990s. Groups such as boca haram and the maghreb in northern mali and sahel have caused tens of thousands of deaths and tremendous economic and social dislocations. For civilian populations. Some of this extremist organizations operating in africa are eager to establish alliances with violent extremist organizations in other parts of the world, notably al qaeda and the Islamic State of iraq and syria isis. The International Communitys right in supporting counterterrorism efforts that seek to defeat this extremist groups militarily and must at the same time assist the affected countries to address the root causes and triggers of the rise in extremism and violence. The principal motivation of todays terrorists in Subsaharan Africa is deeply rooted in a pattern of religious beliefs. However, it is noteworthy that governance failures have exacerbated the impact of this phenomenon and created an enabling environment in which extremism thrives. When a state collapses as was the case with somalia prior to the emergence of al shabaab, allows for huge swaths of ungovernable fa ablable spaces mali or fails to fulfill its basic purpose of providing citizens with access to a Meaningful Life and liberty and property as in northeastern nigeria. The social contract between the state and the citizenry is broken. Discontent with governments that are viewed as illegitimate or ineffective is a Fertile Ground for recruitment as disaffected individuals may easily embrace extremism hoping to access a better life, political power or voice and the resources linked to this attributes in transition environments. Moreover, oppressed citizens and marginalized groups that are denied access to basic public goods and services and opportunities are more vulnerable to extremist appeals and indoctrination by nonstate actors who in return promise to fulfill their needs. Efforts to counter violent extremism and terrorism in Subsaharan Africa must, therefore, address poor governance as a part of the overall strategy. Based on institutional Lessons Learned through ndis work, my own experience and expertise as an african and what i hear loud and clear from african democrats, leaders and activists alike across the continent, i would strongly offer the following three recommendations for your consideration. Any counterterrorism strategy for africa should be grounded in the consolidation of democracy and Good Governance such that shortterm military victories can be sustained in the medium to long term. We cannot afford to defeat violent extremism now only to take up the same fight five, ten years down the road. Two. Autocratic regimes should not get a pass from the International Community solely because they are good partners in the fight against terrorism. Shrinking political space, frequent and overt violations of Citizen Rights and freedoms and the undermining of constitutional rule and meaningful elections breed discontent and disaffection that form the Fertile Ground for recruiters and perpetrators of violence and extremism. Good partners in countering violent extreme terrorism can and should be good performers in democratic governance. These two principles are not mutually exclusive. In fact, they are mutually reinforcing. Africans of this generation of jittery and extremely fearful of reliving the experience of the cold war era during which dictatorships thrived amidst great human deprivation because some leaders were allies of the west at the time. The fight against terrorism should not become a substitute for the cold war paradigm of this century with regard to Subsaharan Africa. Democratic governance is critical to every counterterrorism strategy. Before citizen grievances are not allowed to fester and breed extremism, dissatisfaction and alienation from the state. To deprive extremists of possible recruitment grounds and after to sustain the peace that would have been gained militarily for the medium to long term. Excessive deprivation in both economic terms and in access to political voice, freedoms and Civil Liberties make young people vulnerable to the recr t recruitment incentives of extremist movements. To conclude let me say despite the enthusiasm of a few years ago and some remarkable accomplishments in the last two decades, democracy and democratic governance in africa is under attack. On the one hand, it is challenged by external threats from extremist terrorists organizations and on the other hand in some cases by internal threats from autocratic regimes that fail to deliver public services, combat corruption and protect rights and freedoms. The International Community should do everything in its power to help rid the continent of both existential threats. Friends of africa must make sure that they do not willingly or inadvertently allow themselves to become accomplices in denies africans their basic rights and freedoms and a secure, prosperous future. Thank you, mr. Chairman and members of the committee for this opportunity. This is a brief summary of my statement, and a longer statement will be submitted for the record. Without objection, it will be entered into the record. We thank you both for your testimony and i want to turn to our distinguished Ranking Member, senator cardin. I want to thank both of you for your oral presentations as well as your full statements that are being made part of our record. Ive had a chance to look through it. And it certainly reinforces the concerns that ive had. So, i want to get a little bit more granular here. Both of you mention the importance of the underlying causes of radicalization. And although we have to deal with the immediate issues, if we dont deal with the underlying causes, it will be shortterm success. We have incredible tools. Undp is an incredibly important part of our International Efforts to help develop the prosperity in countries that we hope would provide the longterm stability necessary. Ndis done Incredible Service in developing democratic opportunities around the globe. And, of course, the United States and our Development Assistance and our security assistance, these are tools that can provide incredible opportunities for stability globally. And yet we point out that in Subsahara Africa, we have not been as successful as we need to be. So, therefore, my question to both of you, what has worked that we should build on . I see your specific recommendations. I understand. Incorporate Good Governance, deal with education, deal with the underlying economic issues. But how do you take the current programs that are available, through nations or through private organizations or through government, how do you take those programs and build on the ones that are the most relevant to the stability of Subsahara Africa and what programs need to be reconfigured because theyre not providing the returns for the investments that are being made . Can we be a little bit more specific here . Thank you, senator. Let me first state that when i was listening to the previous panel, what you said was music to my ears, and you said that it boils down to Good Governance. This is the fight that we are doing, first in africa but in undp. The major portfolio of undp is Good Governance. In this country we have seen poor governance and ungoverned face spaces have been the major causes for the insecurity in the continent. Youre right. We have Good Practices. The issue that we are seeing here is that most of these countries have very limited political space and cannot deliver to scale the Good Practice we are advocating. The solution is number one not only limit ourselves to military solutions but blend military and u. N. Rights and then development. But the Good Practices that we are having, put them to scale. I think the National Community have to understand the issue of terrorism is a Global Public fight and this country with limited fiscal face cannot do it alo alone. In a spirit of partnership we can scale up the Good Practices. Im coming from kenya and egypt where i saw an Excellent Partnership between the two countries where they are doing crossborder initiatives. We havent discussed it a lot during the first panel. Its at the border that we see problems. So, if we invest in creating resilience for communities at the border areas we will have done great. I think with good funding we can scale up those excellent initiatives. Senator, the National Democratic institute obviously doesnt have the luxury of governmental entities such as the department of state or even a Multinational Organization such as undp. But with the resources that weve always received, graciously from some of these agencies, weve tried to put a lot of emphasis on developing Civil Society. Because when you look at the statistics or the studies done by organizations, and i referenced it in my written statement, 75 of africans aspire to live in democratic societies. Believe in democracy. And so the demand for democracy and Good Governance continues to rise on the continent. Unfortunately the supply is shrinking. And so programs that can allow the expansion of political space would bring most citizens into the process. It would also allow those citizens to rad advocate the channeling of resources. So i would put a lot more emphasis on strengthening Civil Society. Strengthening citizenbased organizations. Because some of them are very active especially even in rural including in rural areas and in some of the areas that have been impacted by these grievances. I understand that in northeastern nigeria, for example, there are a number of groups that are engaging with internally displaced persons. That are engaging with some of the people that are dealing with trauma and some of the impact of boca haram and organizations such as those sometimes have received support from ndi and other organizations in helping build their capacity to be Effective Advocates on behalf of citizens. I agree with both the points you made. I think border issues are its a good point and we need to concentrate. Theyre more complicated because the problems can go across borders and therefore the country not sure what host countrys responsible unless you have partnerships between the two countries it makes it complicated and difficult. And i certainly agree with you on Civil Society. I think Civil Society is a critical factor in Good Governance and if you dont have a healthy Civil Society, it breeds the problems. Let me try to get to a third point that your view on that. And that is the reality or perception that you can get a free pass from the United Nations or from the United States if you are working with the International Coalition to fight counterterrorism and that what you do internal in your country will not really be a major importance to the International Participation and support. That to me whether its real or perceived could be a huge problem in dealing with Civil Society or dealing with Good Governance or dole dealing with Democratic Institution development. Just share with me your concern as to whether the leaders of countries that are working with us have the view that the International Community will give them a free pass on governance issues as long as they are part of our coalition against violent extremism. Thank you, senator. For us human rights is the bedrock of whatever we do, and its not negotiable and i was you are willing on pull out of a country if you cant get the cooperation you need from their leaders . What we do is we support Capacity Building i understand that. But are you willing to pull out of a country. If you said its the bed rock and its the most important point if you have a corrupt regime and youre doing good work in that country but at least part of it is supporting a corrupt regime, are you willing to pull out . If you pull out theres a cost to the community you serve. W