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319 1 THERE is nothing in the present non-co-operation programme in respect of which there need be any substantial difference of opinion among nationalist leaders. In this respect, Bezwada has completed the work begun at Nagpur. When the non-co-operation resolution was first put before the Congress at Calcutta, not only did a large and powerful minority stand aloof from Mahatma Gandhi and his supporters, but this minority included every nationalist leader of the first rank, with the exception of Pandit Motilal Nehru. The process of re-unification began almost immediately after the Special Congress, when large numbers of prominent nationalists in every Province, who did not believe in the boycott of the Councils, decided to stand aside from the elections, for no other reason except that the Congress had passed the boycott resolutions. It is an open secret that until a few days before the annual session of the Congress some of the most prominent leaders were still not only in a hesitating mood, but were almost sure that they would have to put in a resolute fight at Nagpur. When the Congress did meet at Nagpur, however, a change was visible. What happened either in the subjects committee or at the open session is now a matter of history. Suffice it to say that the vast majority of those leaders who had differed from Mr. Gandhi at Calcutta was won over by the modifications which the non-co-operation resolution at Nagpur. But one leader of commanding position and authority still held out. Pandit Malaviya was unreconciled and opposed to a very substantial part of the programme. Few men can be said to represent the soul of India more truly than Pandit Malaviya, and the fact that he could not accept the programme could only mean that there were large numbers of people who remained to be inwardly convinced.
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1931 IT cannot be denied that the situation must cause grave anxiety to the Principals and managing committees of Colleges and the educationists generally as well as to the parents and guardians of the protesting boys. But they, too, have everything to gain and nothing to lose by keeping their head cool and not resorting to action which can only aggravate the situation. The finest example of what ought to be done was afforded some time ago by Pandit Malaviya, who not only invited Mahatma Gandhi to address the students of the Benaras Hindu University, but himself presided over the meeting at which the address was delivered. On the other hand, an example of what ought not to be done was afforded by the Principal of a College in Calcutta who so far lost his head the very moment his boys went on strike as to put up a notice on the notice board which was resented by a considerable number of members of the staff. The best is to keep in touch both with the students and their parents and guardians and to avoid the very appearance of coercion. You cannot coerce the whole student population of a city, and any method that even remotely favours coercion will only make things worse. The highest punishment provided for in the academic code is expulsion and this punishment obviously has no terrors for those who are publicly declaring their intention of expelling themselves. Our own opinion of what should be done, we have already stated. That obviously does not at present satisfy the organisers of the movement. But we venture to think that it will be accepted by them as the next best thing if and when they will find that what they consider the best is not immediately attainable.
942 IN the letter addressed by her to the Secretaries to the All-India and Provincial Congress Committee, Mrs. Besant gives four reasons why she can no longer belong to the Congress. As the matter is of some importance, it is worthwhile examining these reasons at some length. The first reason, that Mrs. Besant is a firm believer in the British connection and a strong opponent of the programme of non-co-operation, is obviously inconclusive, because a good many — we believe the large majority of those present at the Nagpur Congress itself — believe in the British connection, just as strongly as she does and there are some, like Pandit Malaviya, who do not accept the non-co-operation programme any more than she does. If there is room in the Congress for those, why not for Mrs. Besant also? The second reason, that the Congress has narrowed the basis of its former Constitution, is the reverse of the truth. The Congress has not narrowed but has rather widened the basis of its former Constitution, inasmuch as under the present Constitution not only is there room in it for all who were formerly of it, but there is room also for those who formerly would have had no place in it, men who believe in isolated independence or are inspired by republican ideals. We have already expressed our opinion that either this will mean no change in practice, or the union will prove short-lived, and will come to an end the moment methods are devised, as they must be before long, that are calculated to lead to one of the two ends to the necessary exclusion of the other. But that is not what Mrs. Besant says; nor would it be a sufficient reason in itself for anyone to leave the Congress. This disposes of also that part of the third reason which says that the Congress has rejected its former ideals.
757 ALTHOUGH at the time of writing, the result of the division of Mr. Gandhi’s resolution regarding the creed of the Congress is not definitely known, everyone who has followed the trend of events during the last few months can say that it is in the nature of a foregone conclusion. It is particularly inconceivable that having carried his point in the subjects Committee, where the audience is a more or less select body, Mr. Gandhi could have any difficulty in carrying it in the open Congress where his followers are believed to be in a decided, if not overwhelming, majority. Nor could one anticipate any other result of the nature of the discussion and the personnel of the speakers on either side. On one side were, besides Mr Gandhi who is a host in himself, Lala Lajpat Rai and Mr Bipinchandra Pal, two of the most powerful and popular speakers we have in the whole country. On the other side, there was no one with the exception of Col Wedgwood (who obviously laboured under the disadvantage of being a non-Indian) who could for a moment be compared to any of these three. Undoubtedly one of the speakers, Mr Jinnah is one of our front rank leaders, and is also an effective speaker. But it is no disparagement of him to say that, addressing a popular audience, he is no match for any of the three speakers on the other side, far less for all of them combined. Pandit Malaviya who, would undoubtedly have opposed the resolution with all his strength. Mr CR Das, who also is believed to be opposed to the resolution, does not appear to have spoken. Madras was well represented by Messrs Satyamurti and Mr Rangaswami Iyengar, but they could not for obvious speak with the authority of either Mr Vijiaraghavachariar, or Mr Kasturi Iyengar.
PM, Om Birla, Ghulam Nabi pay tributes to Vajpayee, Malviya on their birth anniversary New Delhi, Dec 25(UNI) Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla, Leader of Opposition in Rajya Sabha Ghulam Nabi Azad and other MPs on Friday paid floral tributes to Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya and former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in the Central Hall of Parliament House on their birth anniversary. PM Modi also released a book titled ‘Atal Bihari Vajpayee in Parliament- A commemorative volume’ on the former PM, brought out by the Lok Sabha Secretariat which highlights Vajpayee’s ideas and views on a wide range of important national and international issues.
969 It is on the cards that the nationalist leaders who are unable to accept the whole of Mr. Gandhi’s programme will bring forward a proposal for amending that programme with a view to bringing it into greater conformity with the trend of nationalist thought and the general nationalist sentiment. They will in all probability urge radical modifications in all three principal clauses. As regards the boycott of Councils, which is for the moment a more or less dead issue, they may not improbably advocate the substitution for it for a clause urging that the country should adopt an attitude of active and vigorous watchfulness in regard to the doings of the new Councils and the new Ministers. As regards the other two, they are sure to ask that greater emphasis should be laid on the positive than on the negative side, namely, on the establishment of national schools and colleges, on the one hand, and of arbitration courts on the other, and that the process of withdrawal from either class of institutions should be exactly proportionate to the success achieved by the country in establishing substitutes for them on a sound and stable basis. This is precisely what the bulk of the nationalist press and party have been urging ever since the talk of boycott began, and those nationalist leaders who are themselves of this opinion would be stultifying themselves if they did not press this view at the Congress with all the strength and emphasis of which they are capable. They will also, if they follow the lead of Pandit Malaviya, urge the shifting of the emphasis from non-co-operation, which is only a means to an end, to Swaraj, which is the end itself.