Training will remain a component of any adequate system of military security until such time as the United Nations have established an International Police force with adequate powers and without weakening limitations. [ applause ]. Up next on American History tv, a panel of history ans talk about Race Relations in ferguson and develops methods about protest. They also examine how policing and the criminal justice has related to this top. The annual meeting is about two hours. Good morning everybody. My name is khalil mohammed. I am filling in as your chair. Thomas came down with a terrible stomach bug and is not able to be with us today. So we all will miss him terribly and i know many of you who came to see and hear tom participate in in discussion are also disappointed. But we wish him we wish him well and we will proceed in his absence. Because there are a couple of housekeeping things, including a note i just received. Let me get it out of the way before i forget it. The hash tag for this session is furg aha is ferguson aha. We ask that you be active participants in tweeting. In toms place let me Say Something about something what he would want to say about the importance of race and the space and the ways in which policing have defined the spaces propriety and citizenship in the United States of america. Ferguson brings us here and yet ferguson is just a metaphor for an ongoing history that sees state forces that sees white citizens and sees class as the defining marker for the ways in which race continues to be made in the United States of america. That said i want to thank jim grossman from the American Historical Association for encouraging panels like this, that link the past, present and future. And we know as members of this august association that the American Historical Association has not always been responsive to contemporary moments and sometimes been on the wrong side of history, so we applaud the leadership in this moment for allowing us to come together and think seriously about how the past informed this moment. The format of todays panel, each speaker will spend about 10 minutes speaking. Theyve been asked to prepare opening statements, which will range, i assume from very formal to informal. All of whom will be important for shaping the conversation we will have with you. They will speak in the following order. Colin gordon colin is a professor of history at the university of iowa. He wiets on the history of American Public policy and political economy. He is an author of american inequality published in 2013 as well as dead on arrival, the politics of health in 20th century 2003 and new deals, business, labor and politics, 19201935. Hes written for the nation in these times, z magazine, and atlanta city and decent where he is a regular contributor and author of the book mapping decline and st. Louis and the declining city. He will speak on segregation and the development of inner suburbs. Colin will be followed by me. Im the director of the Schaumburg Center and the author of condemnation of race crime and the making of modern urban america. I run my mouth a lot of different places and well keep it moving. I will speak on the history of race and policing in a particular context. I will be followed by Heather Thompson. She is an associate professor of africanamerican histories at temple university, soon moving to the university of michigan. She writes about race, labor and social movements and the cultural state in 20th century america. She is an author of modern race in modern american city, the editor of speaking out protest and activism in the 1960s and 70s and just finished a book which you have been waiting for, blood in the water, the attica prison uprising of 1971 to be published next year. She recently served in the National Academy of Sciences Blue ribbon of panels that studied mass incarceration in the United States. She will be discussing whiteness and reaction to ferguson. Following Heather Thompson is jallany cobb, the director of the African Studies and he has a masters in 20th century politics and an author and to the break of dawn, a freestyle on the hiphop aesthetic which was a finalist for art writing. His collection the devil and dave chapel and others i didnt write these. Ive known him for years. But i am reading toms introduction. He is editor of the essential herald cruise, a reader and his new book is called ant doan to Revolution AfricaAmerican Civil Rights and a regular contributor to the new yorker which writes about the ferguson and that is his contribution to todays panel. He is appears in the vibe, esquire and the New York Times and other publications. And our panel will be rounded out by marsha chatling, an assistant professor of history at Georgetown University and writes about women and girls history and food studies. She is a member of the british counsel Transatlantic Network 2020 a 2000 harry s. Truman alumni and the institution of women in a public life and a 2011 marshall fond of the u. S. Fellow. Her first book south side girls growing up in the great migration is coming out this spring. At the beginning of the 201415 Academic Year she launched an online project, ferguson syllabus, to grapple with the ways to talk to talk to students from Elementary School to college on the ferguson crisis. That work has been featured on National Public radio, in the pages of the National Decent and a collaborate online teaching resource. Dr. Chatling will be discussing on the teaching of ferguson. And with that, i bring to the mic, colin gordon. [ applause ]. I want to set the background by looking at the developmental history of st. Louis and the inner suburbs. This is in many respects a sort of familiar story of sustained segregation in american metropolises sustained by instruments like restricted deed covenants and racial zoning and the infamous fha security ratings and other policies. If i were to fit ferguson into this story, i would fit in three sings. First of all, st. Louis is a starkly segregated setting marked by a northsouth divide you can see clearly here on the map. Running out from the city which the locals call the del mar divide. And it is a Stark Division between white and black st. Louis. There is also what was commonly termed as sort of berlin wall between the city and the county. And what is interesting about this and ill get to it in a moment, and what we see is a spectacular success and failure of local segregation and ferguson sits at the intersection of that. The second point that i would make in fitting ferguson into this story is that st. Louis, like a lot of midwestern cities particularly is a remarkably fragmented metropolitan setting and this fragmentation is first and foremost designed to sustain the segregation over time and in terms of the Development Patterns and the number of local governments in greater st. Louis a metro area of under 2 million people, 214 municipalities. 100 of them in st. Louis county alone. And the third point i would make is that the the consequence of this in greater st. Louis and elsewhere is most starkly the gap between black and white wealth. So here from the Consumer Finance we see the difference between black and white income. The difference between wealth is much starker. And through the Civil Rights Era weve made some gains on wages and income but the wealth gap is growing. And that is all about housing. And if you combine stark segregation of uneven and fragmented governance and the wealth gap, you generate the story, i think, of an inner suburb like ferguson. What i show here is a pattern of this Uneven Development and annexation and the development and so the red ive just mapped Single Family homes as they are built in greater st. Louis. The yellow are the areas as they are incorporated and here is ferguson, incorporated in 1894. But you can see we get a pattern of private development really out in the corn fields, that precedes incorporation. So what incorporation is doing is sealing the decisions made by private developers. And what that yields, among other things in st. Louis county and ferguson is outlined in black and the city is there next to the mississippi, is a pattern by which the older residential footprint in inner suburbs like ferguson is a smaller residential footprint. So there is ferguson and the Square Footage is much smaller than the conventional suburban development. Ferguson incorporated in 1894 as an inner suburb. It is not a suburb in the convention of the word. And what this yields in greater st. Louis, again, combining the Uneven Development and sustained segregation is a pattern of first white flight and then black flight out of the city. And this series of map that go from one census to the next, the black dots increase in black persons and the white an increase in white persons and the decline in red and orange. And what we can see is the city emptying out of the white population. So in 1950 the city of st. Louis had approach legislation approaching 900,000 and now it is approaching 300,000. And what is remarkable, in the orange, you can see the first urban renewal project the building of the Busch Stadium and expel the black population into the north side of the city and by the time we get into the 1970s, across the county line into suburbs like ferguson the more affordable residential footprint. So what happens in effect, the del mar divide which runs in this direction, is a hard and fast line of segregation in st. Louis, even today. But the county line is more fragile. And here is the instruments of segregation break down. So as people move out of the city, black and white they tend to move locally. To africanamericans move out of st. Louis into the suburbs of north county and whites move into central and south county for the most part. What does this yield . It brings with it a movement of concentrated poverty out of the city and into the north side. The red here are the tracks where income is less than two thirds of the metro average. And you can see concentrated poverty in the city of 1970 but as we scroll this moves out into the suburbs and the larger outline is the Fluorescent School district and the smaller is the city of ferguson as well. And we can see this in the poverty rate is now as stark in north county as in the city itself. We can see it in the patterns of unemployment and especially youth unemployment and in the sustained fiscal crisis in these inner suburbs. So here ive mapped the ability of local School Districts that generate revenue per student. And you can see in central county you have a combination of high revenues per student on a very low tax rate. In north county and in the city, you not only have low revenue per student and high tax rates. It is more expensive to live in ferguson in terms of taxes than in much of central county. And what this fiscal crisis yields in part, which the rest of the panel can fill in the consequences of is this pattern of what i would characterize as revenue policing in the county and in this recent report of better together, a local group in north st. Louis shows to the degree that municipalities rely on court fines for a primary source of revenue. It is a bigger source of revenue than the property tax in ferguson. And ill leave it there. [ applause ] he was just heating up. Just getting good. Im getting over bronchitis so the more i talk the more i cough. So ill mostly read from some things ive written about policing historically, because mostly i think at times we need to really appreciate how rounded a lot of the themes that emerge out of ferguson are. And just as a very quick aside to what colin just ended on which i think would be a wonderful discussion point later to talk about what emerges in the post south of slavery with regard to profit driven policing and a Correction System designed to save the new south from its debts, from the civil war debts. It goes without saying that this is a long practice of seeing policing as part of a larger political economy. Police in urban black relations out of the south is the most under explored theme in Labor Relations in urban development before the 1970s. In labe and class biased and antipoor and antiimmigrant biases have many authors more than a generation ago. Until 2009 with hicks talk with you like a woman, lanes 1986 work, the roots of violence in black philadelphia was the only work of nonsouthern crime criminal justice exploration to study americans outside of the south or i refer to here as the north. Marilyn john said 2003, a history of Police Violence in new york city is the general policing of history. Given the limited work among historians and i want to emphasize here historians on the topic, the u. S. Riot Commission Report or the current Commission Report released in 1968 is the starting point in Public Discourse for untangling poverty and race. The Current Commission ill remind you made five recommendations for reforming Police Action in the area and more Police Protection of residents, independent citizen review boards and Citizen Input on new guidelines for aggressive patrol to minimize stop and frisk and five develop community policing. Based on council before the police represented all of the prejudices of the criminal Justice System. The commission heards complaints of harassment of interracial couples and the stopping of negroes on foot or in cars without obvious basis. Simply put to many black residents, police acted as agents of repression. Yet 1968 was hardly the first time liberal policy advisors particularly africanamericans had raised such criticism with the exception of independent review boards variations of forms had been liberated since the migration period. Then in the wake of the harlem right of 1935, the call for harlem Citizens Police review board was issued. The parallels between mayor, the la guardia findings and the commission are striking. Among the findings and recommendations, note the similarity and tone with the current report. One, they show too little regard for fundament rights of citizens. And two, police aggressions weld the people together for mass action against those responsible for their ills. And three it is clearly the responsibility of the police to act in such a way as to win the confidence of the citizens of harlem and to prove the rights and safety of the community rather than enemies and agregors. There is no reason to interfere with the rights of negroes. Officers who violate the law should be subject to punishment by the Police Department and action should be taken just as vigorously as others who commit crimes. I read all of those from the harlem report. Despite the author, e. Franklin frazier, the leading sociologist, he is known for his labe error Labor Relations. It is clear there was little political will to challenge racial Police Practices and policies in the 1930s. According to anthony plat, fraziers first largescale Research Report was undermined by the politics and the literature on riots gathered dust on a shelf in city hall. By contrast frazier Chicago School mentors Robert Parker and shaw mckay spoke of broken homes in migrants. It is accompanied by personal disorganization and demoralization among negro adult and children rode shaw, prepared for the wicker sham investigation. In a foot note they added the point of view is added by professor Franklin Frazier by then using africanamerican experts to make legitimate common perspectives on black pathology, following the negro family in the United Statess published in 39 he studied black research in 1934 in the dilemma and then the tangle of pathology and so on and so forth elevated his research to a whole new level two decades later. Frazier also played a major part in the silence on his work around his police and in neither did he site the la guardia report. In text, sex or race are not listed in the class and culture integration. This is striking because in addition to leaving out the la guardia study his field notes and investigative reports have numerous examples of police corruption, misconduct and violence. And in his dissertation that shaw mckay paraphrases him from, he cited only once the most important study of Race Relations in the 1920s the Chicago Commission relations, entitled the negro study. That is about discriminatory policing in chicago. Theoid kbras that the ideas that brought about the kerner report showed ideas in the la guardia study but were increasingly addresse