Just as feverishly as our public follows our contemporary celebrities. And it was given as a gift by a wealthy industrialist to an orthopedic surgeon. So you see the handle youve been watching a preview of our weekly j alf hour american artifacts program. Visit cspan. Org history for Schedule Information and to view entire programs online. The deadline for the cspan student cam video competition is tuesday. So get your entries completed now. Produce a five to sevenminute documentary on the theme the three branches and you for your chance to win the grand prize of 5,000. For a list of rules go to studentcam. Org. Up next on American History tv, a panel of his torials talk about Race Relations in ferguson and develops methods about protest. They also examine how policing pe . And the criminal justice has historically related to racial conflict. This session about the Associations Annual meeting is about two hours. ,uq . zw good morning, everyone. My name is khalil mohammed. I am going to be filling in thomas ja so there are many people who couldnt be here for any number of reasons travel, other panels, who have an interest and have asked that all of you be active participants in tweeting. Jxnsb so in toms place hereaqks let me Say Something i think he might have wanted to say about the importance of race spacer hi and the importance of the ways in which policing have defined the spaces propriety and citizenship in the United States ferguson brings us here and yet ferguson is just a metaphor for an ongoing history that sees eq< state forces, that sees white citizens and sees class as the defining marker for the ways in which race continues to be made in the United States of america. That said, i want to also thank jim grossman, the executive director of the American Historical Association,7rx encouraging panels like this that link the past, present, and future. And we all know as members of American Historical Association has not always been responsive to contemporary moments and sometimes has been on the wrong side of history. So we want to applaud the leadership in this moment for these allowing us to come together and think seriously . Zl about how the past informs this moment. The format of todays panel, each speaker will spend about 10 minutes speaking. Theyve been asked to prepare opening statements, which will range, i assume, from very formal to informal. All of whom will be important for shaping the conversation we will have with you. They will speak in the following order. Colin gordon, colin is a professor of history at the university of iowa. He writes on the history of American Public policy and political economy. He is the author of a grog apart a political history of american inequality published in 2013. As well as 3qtsndead on arrival the politics of health in 20thfsqx century america, 2003. And new deals business, labor, and politics 19201935. He has written for the nation, in these types, z magazine, Atlantic City and descent where he is a regular contributor and author of the book mapping decline and st. Louis and the declining city. He will speak on segregation anc the development of inner suburbs. Colin will be followed by myself. Im the director of the Schaumburg Center and the author of the condemnation of blackness race, crime, and the making of modern urban america. B] i run my mouth a lot of different places and well keep it moving. I will speak on the history of race and policing in a particular context. I will be followed by Heather Thompson. She is an associate professor of africanamerican studies and history at temple university, soon to be moving to the university of michigan. She writes about race;lyajpd social movements and the cultural state in 20th century america. She is the author of whose detroit politics labor and race in modern america. And in a modern american city. She is the editor of speaking out protest and activism in the 1960s and 70s. And shes just finished a book which youve all been waiting for, blood in the water the on the tick ka prison uprising of wq5 1971 which will be published next year. Tom man recently served in the National Academy of Sciences Blue ribbon panel that studied the caused and consequences of mass incarceration in the United States. Sw[zy she will be discussing whiteness and reaction to ferguson. Following Heather Thompson is jallany cobb associate professor of history and director of the after studies institute at university of connecticut. He is a specialist in africanAmerican History and 20th century american politics and is the author of the substance of hope barack obama and the paradox of progress, as well as to the break of dawn a freestylfbx arr hop aesthetic which was a finalist for the National Award ofoad ah r t hahp hc writing. Amgtn his collection the devil and Dave Chappelle and i didnt write these. But i am reading toms introduction. He is editor of the essential herald his forthcoming book is titled antidote to revolution the struggle for civil rights 1931 to 57. Hes a regular contributory the new yorker which public hers reports on the ground in ferguson which will be hislm l contribution to todays panel. His work has also appeared in the beast, washington post, essence vibe, New York Times and many other publications to be sure. And our panel will be rounded a out by marsha chatling, an assistant professor of history at Georgetown University and writes about africanamerican at the beginning of the 201415 Academic Year she launched an collaborative online project fergusonsyllabus, to grapple with the ways to talk to talkyunbr t hahp hc to students from Elementary School to college on the ferguson crisis. That work has been featured on National Public radio, in the pages of the atlantic and descent, and is part of a collaborative online teaching resource. gcsn ; y dr. Chatling will be discussing on the teaching of ferguson. And with that, i bring to the mike, colin gordon. I want to set the background by looking a little bit at the demographic and developmental history of st. Louis and its inner suburbs. This is in many respects a sort of familiar story of sustained segregation in american metropolises, sustained by instruments like restricted deed covenants and racial zoning and uu the infamous fha security ratings and other private and public policies. And i think if i were to fit ferguson into this story i would underscore three things. First of all, st. Louis is a fraurkbly and starkly segregated setting. Marked by a northsouth divide you can see clearly here on the map. Fqg running out from the city which the locals call the del mar divide. And its a very Stark Division between white and black st. Louis. Lr theres also what was commonly termed as sort of berlin wall between the city and the county. Pu and whats interesting about this, and im get into it in a moment, is what we see in greater st. Louis is boast the spectacular success and in many respects the spectacular failure of local segregation. Ferguson sits at the int,ar urjrju at. The second point that i would make in fitting ferguson into this story is that st. Louis, like a lot of midwestern cities, particularly is a remarkably fragmented metropolitan setting in terms of its politics. And this fragmentation is first and foremost designed to sustain that segregation over time. And in terms of the sort of Development Patterns and the number of local governments there are in greater st. Louis, a metro area of only of under 2 million people, 214 municipalities. 100 of them in st. Louis county alone. Zxse5 and the third point i would mako is that the the consequence of this in greater st. Louis and elsewhere is most starkly the sustained gap between black and white welt. So here from the survey of consumer financesh difference between black and white income. The difference between wealth is of course much starker. And in fact, through the Civil Rights Era weve made some gains on wages and income. But the in fact, the wealth gap is growing. And thats all about housing. And when you combine these elements of stark segregation of sort ofilfy an uneven and;a fragmented governance and the stark wealth gap, you generate the story i think of an inner suburb like ferguson. What i show here is a pattern of this Uneven Development and annexation and the development and so the red here are ive just mapped Single Family homes as theyre built in greater shoes. The yellow are the areas as they are incorporated. And heres ferguson up here, which is incorporated in 1894. But you can see we get a pattern of private development, really out in the corn fields, that precedes incorporation. So that what incorporation is doing is really just sealin[yn the decisions made by private developers. And what that yields, among other things, in st. Louis county and here5q;ferguson is outlined in black, the city is there next to the mississippi is a pattern by which the older residential footprint in inner suburbs li k] much smaller residential footpri5sr t hahp hc so theres ferguson and the Square Footage again is much smaller9nut than the sort of conventional suburban development. Ferguson again incorporated in 1894, is an inner suburb. Its not a suburb in this sort of conventional sense of the word. And what this yields in greater st. Louis, again combining these patterns of uneven metropolitan development and sustained segregation, is a successive pattern of first white flight and then black flight out of the city. So then this serieseoon of maps which go from one decennial census to the next, black dots indicate anb n increase in black f nd persons, white dott]r increase in white persons and corresponding decline in red and orange. What we can see as we scroll through here is the city emptyingm bc out largely of its white population. So in 1950 the city of st. Louisgg had a population approaching 900,000. Today its population is approaching 300,000. And whats remarkab here in the orange you can see the footprint of the first sort of urban renewal projects. The building of the first busch stadium, the clearanceaof millcreek valley, which expel much of black population into the north side of the city. And then by the time we get into vs o. K across the county line into inner suburbs like ferguson. Residential footprint. V8ew so what happens in effect, the abe delmar divide, which runs roughly in this direction is a pretty hard and fo;cn lineo23ve of segregation in greater st. Louis, even today. Wrd n but the county line is more fragile. And heres here the instruments of segregation break down. So as people move out of the city, black and white, they tend to move locally. I5y w so africanamericans move out of nort0s suburbs of north county. Whites move into central and south county for the most part. What does this yield . It brings with it a movement of concentrated poverty out of the city and into the near north side. Tracks where income is less than twothirds of the metro average. And you can see concentrated poverty in the city in q rn but as we scroll ahead in time this moves out into the inner suburbs. So the larger outline there is the ferguson Fluorescent School district, the smaller one is the city of ferguson itself. Zbsmn8wn we can see this as well in the poverty rate, which is now as stark in north county as it is in the city itself. We can see it in the patterns of unemployment, especially of course youth unemployment. And we canicra in the sustained fiscal crisis in these inner suburbs. So here ive mapped the ability of local School Districts to generate revenue per student. And you can see in central county, you have a combination of high revenues per student on a very low tax rate. Whereasap in north county and in the city, you not only hape low revenues per student but you have very high tax rates. Its actually more expensive to live in ferguson in terms of taxes than it is in much of central county. And what this fiscal crisis yields in part, which the rest of the panel can fill in the consequences of, is this pattern of what i would characterize as cabx revenue policing in st. Louis county. So this from a recent report by Better Together a local group in[tqanlouis, shows in northomn county the degree tohkk÷ which municipalities rely on court revenue. Court fines is a bigger source of local revenue in ferguson fluorescent than is the property tax, by a large margin. And ill leave it there. He was just heating up. A just getting good. All right. Im getting over bronchitis so the longer i talk, the more i cough. Im going to take a slightly more traditional tack here and mostly read from some things ive written about policing historically, mostly because i think at times we needep to really appreciate how rounded a lot of the themes that emerge out of ferguson are. And just as a very quick aside to what colin just ended on, which i think would be a 1wc wonderful discussion point later to talk about what3e emerge in thegzdsjn m postbell postbellum south of slavery with regard to rofitdriven policingh and a correction systemkjll designed to save the new south from its debts, from civil war debts. It goes without saying that this is a long practice of seeing policing as part of a larger political economy. Police in urban black relations out of the south is the most underexplored theme in Labor Relations in uq hevelopment before the 1970s. U polici ho ahature to labor and class biases and antipoor and antiism grant biases have many authors more than a generation ago. Alx until 2009 with callie grosses, colored amazon, cheryl hixs 2011 talk with you like a woman laynes 1986 work the roots of violence in black philadelphia was the only work of nonsouthern n crime criminal justice historians to explicitly focus on vr n africanamericans outside of the south or what i will refer to here as the urban north, although missouri is inlfn limbnal space. Remains the best general history of northernee;v÷ policing. Given the limited work of a historians, and i want to emphasize here historians, on the topic, the u. S. Riot Commission Report, or the kernor Commission Report study, released in 1968, is often the starting point in public and political discourse for unraveling the deeply tangled web of race poverty crime, and criminal justice in recent the kernor commission made yo uz recommendations for reforming Police Practices in plaque urban communities. Better treatment of citizens to ensure proper individual conduct, two more Police Location of residents, three, independent citizen review obnx boards, four Citizen Input on new guidelines for aggressive patrol to minimize the harm of stop and frisk practices,9i[ five, develop community policing. Based on mountains of testimony before the commissioners the police quote surprised much deeper problems and represented all d the prejudices of the criminal Justice System. Across the cities surveyed the commission heard complaints of harassment of interracial couples, dispersal of social street gatherings, the stop ofny grows on food or in2 z cars without basis. Police6z;b acted as repression. Yet 1968 was hardly the first time liberal policy advisers, particularly africanamericans, 5 raised such criticisms. With the exception of the recommendation for independent other reforms had been advocated by black liberal reformers since thee then in the wake of the harlem riot the call for harlem citizens review Police Review board was issued. The parallels between mayor laguardias Commission Findings and the kernor commissions recommendations are striking. Among its many findings and recommendations, note the similarity in tone and substance with the kernor report. One, the police of harlem show too little regard for human rights and constantly violate blacks fundamental rights as citizens. Two, police aggressions and brutalities more than any other factor weld the people together for mass action against those responsible for their ills. Three, it is clearly the responsibility of the police to act in such a way as to win the harlem and to prove themselves the guardians of the rights and safety of the community rather than its enemies and n3oppressors. Farr, private prejudices are no warrant for3 j interfering with the association of whites and negroes. Five officers of the law who violate the law should not only be subject to investigation and punishment by the bleep but action should be taken just as vigorously as where any other person is charged with a crime. I read all of those literally as direct quotes f uz the harlem riot report. Despite such keen and prospetic observations in the lead author e. Franklin frasier the leading black sociologist of his day, frasier is most well known for his black family studies. Not his antiracist critiques of policing. Mainstream liberalism as judged by mayor laguardias kyv behavior is one clue as to why it there was little political will to challenge racist Police Practices and policies in the k s. According to5]n Anthony Platt frasiers First Research report1xj r t hahp hc was undermined by local politics and his innovative and liberal 5pqjt hahp hc contribution to the literature and riots gathered dust on a shelf in city hall. By contrast frasier Chic