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“Even if the extreme right comes to power, it is essential that it does so within a framework of broad democratic mobilisation that is the support point for the social and political battles that are to come. Nothing is more important right now.”
This is a reconceived version of 'Fascism and Anti-Fascism'. In this text, Dauvé shows how the wave of proletarian revolts in the first half of the twentieth century failed: either because they were crushed by the vicissitudes of war and ideology, or because their “victories” took the form of counter-revolutions themselves, setting up social systems which, in their reliance on monetary exchange and wage-labour, failed to transcend capitalism.
For the Italian Communist, there was no road map for social transformation beyond hands-on, bottom-up activism.
Mussolini and the rise of fascism How did an obscure magazine editor become an idol, and then a scandal, and then reassert his authority and rule for a further 15 years? Cannes, 1920. Quinto Navarra, servant to the Italian foreign minister, is approached by someone wanting an appointment with His Excellency. A journalist. Nobody special. Navarra asks for his name-card. Benito Mussolini. Rome, 1923. Navarra is now Mussolini’s valet. The latter has become somebody very special indeed. He is the prime minister. More – as he boasts to Navarra – he is an object of veneration, an idol. ...
Mikkel Bolt Rasmussen contrasts Judith Butler's democratic analysis of Occupy in Notes Toward a Performative Theory of Assembly with the concept of permanent destitution as developed by Marcello Tarì in There is no Unhappy Revolution, appearing in English with Common Notions this month . “Now comes the question of the reappropriation of violence, which the biopolitical democracies have, with all other intense expressions of life, so perfectly dispossessed” -–Tiqqun, Introduction to Civil War “Within three decades [social democracy] managed virtually to erase the ...