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How the story of modern Scotland is the story of Scottish coal


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Scotland’s coalfields once sprawled across the central belt, from Ayrshire and Lanarkshire on the west coast to Fife and the Lothians on the east. In 1947, 77,000 people worked in Scottish coal. By 1990, that number had slumped to just 6,000. Popular history dictates that the UK coal industry was rapidly wound down during the latter part of the 20th century by Conservative politicians hostile to organized labour. But as Ewan Gibbs explains in ‘Coal Country: The Meaning and Memory of Deindustrialization in Postwar Scotland’, the reality is more complicated.
Competition from cheaper fuels and the emergence of nuclear power pushed British coal into decline soon after the Second World War. In the 1950s and ‘60s, governments and mining unions negotiated the closure of nationalised pits and collieries. In the 1970s, there was a sharp uptick in industrial action. In the 1980s, Margaret Thatcher abandoned the consensual strategy of previous deca ....

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Gavin Esler: English nationalism and the journey to the end of Britain


ON the eve of the Second World War a Labour MP, Arthur Greenwood, stepped up to the despatch box in the House of Commons. He appeared unnerved by a shout of encouragement from the Conservative side of the House. The Tory backbencher Leo Amery was sickened by the appeasement policy pursued by his own prime minister Neville Chamberlain. Amery yelled out: “Speak for England, Arthur!” and Arthur did.
He argued for the necessity of war with Hitler, helping pull the country together. But when Arthur spoke for England, he also spoke for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the British Empire and its dominions. But who speaks now? When the prime minister or leader of the opposition rises in the House of Commons, do they really speak for the United Kingdom of the 21st century? What does that even mean? ....

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