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he was talking about equality. and he felt this connection that i think we continue to feel. i mean, people ask me questions like, you know, what would george washington think of the invasion of iraq? no other -- i mean, people don't -- in other countries do that. people don't ask, what would -- >> what would charlemane say. >> they don't ask that question. they don't have that kind of connection with the past. as history-minded as they might be, the brits don't have that kind of connection. so i have a lot of sympathy for the tea party. i know they distort the past, but i understand...

they don't ask that question. they don't have that kind of connection with the past. as history-minded as they might be, the brits don't have that kind of connection. so i have a lot of sympathy for the tea party. i know they distort the past, but i understand the emotional need because i think it's there for everyone in some sense. because there's no other basis for our americanism. except these ideals that they created. >> and one of the points you make in your book is that this sense of our ideals was very early on accompanied by a sense that we were an example to the world becaus...

leaders, lafayette, thought so, too. that's why he sent the key to the bastille, the symbol of tyranny, the prison in paris, sent the key to george washington. and the key now hangs in mt. vernon. and so we thought the french revolution was a carbon copy of our own. now, when it spiraled out into tyranny, we just assumed, well, the french don't have the stuff, the virtue, that makes a revolution successful. and from then on, all through the latin american revolutions take place, we are the first state to recognize them. now, there is one -- and this is true throughout the 19th centur...