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i mean, the human cost of this kind of a fight is very, very obvious. and so what you see with the russians is that they realize they cannot take on the ukrainian forces in a ground combat engagement because they are losing. and so the only success that they've been able to achieve is through terror tactics, the use of dumb weapon systems. and they attack civilian targets. this is not warfare. it's criminality. >> yeah. yeah, right on. general, thank you. be well. i'll talk to you soon. >> thank you, don. be safe. >> thank you very much. so for big picture look at what all this means for the overall conflict i want bring to fareed zachariah. fareed, appreciate you joining us. thank you so much. since i've spoken to you there's been so many twists and turns in this war. this fuel supply attack on belgorad, russia pulling back
guarantee to ukraine is not going to be an article 5, an attack on ukraine is the same as attack on america kind of commitment, which exists really only for nato countries. >> fareed, this is why i enjoy this conversation. this is not an inside the beltway conversation. s in a fareed and don sitting on a couch conversation which people are doing at home. so i really appreciate your answers and candor tonight. thank you for appearing. see you toon. i'll be watching in week. thank you fareed. >> stay safe. >> thank you very much. make sure you watch fareed zachariah. gps. 10:00 a.m. 1:00 p.m. >> her husband fights for ukraine and she reports on it every day. i got to sit down with a journalist here in lviv right at the forefront of the war. that is next.
be free. >> fareed, let me ask you this. how much of this then -- i mean, for me, for vladimir putin, this is all about puffery and pride. i feel -- and you can tell me if i'm wrong- that that he will destroy this country because it's smaller because he wants to be seen as big are and mightier, and that you know, he can do what whatever he wants to ukraine, that he will destroy this country in order just to save face? >> that is my fear as well, don. and -- and that's one of the reasons why i feel like we need to start thinking about what the potential end games are. who -- what kind of pressure you need to put on the russians, both military and non-military but also what is the kind of diplomatic pressuring with diplomatic off ramps. are there ways to get people like the chinese involved? or the turks or prime minister
so you're right. to what end, fareed? >> yeah, you know, don, we cannot allow ukraine to be destroyed to be saved. there has to be a better way. >> right. >> and. >> right. >> and one of the things i don't think a lot of people understand is that for russia this is almost a kind of colonial war. you know, this is not a great power thing between it and nato. ukraine for a lot of russians and for vladimir putin is basically a kind of colony of russia. and just as the french fought bitterly in algeria and the british fought in places like kenya, russia is the last great multiple national empire. and it -- we're living in a post imperial age but this is the last one. and they're desperately holding on to the possessions -- in their view possessions. >> fred. >> they can't stand the fact that ukrainian don't want to be colonial subjects they want to
Dialogue With Nigeria BY AKIN OSUNTOKUN “I predict that every multi-lingual or multi-national country with a unitary constitution must either eventually have a federal constitution based on the principles which I have enunciated, or disintegrate, or be perennially afflicted with disharmony and instability” – Obafemi Awolowo The fundamental political argument of Nigeria today boils down to the contention between the political leadership perspective and the constitutional structure perspective of governance. The latter will argue, for instance, that the presidency of Major General Muhammadu Buhari is more a symptom rather than the cause of Nigeria’s governance crisis and dysfunction; and the former takes the position that leadership, more than any other factor is the decisive prerequisite for a functional Nigerian governance. Inherent in this leadership perspective is the presumption that good or bad leadership is not random and that good leadership can be summoned whenever the need for such is acute -let the constitutional form be damned. After all there is the quotable insight of Alexander Pope that ‘let fools contend, what is best administered is best’. But because ‘what is best administered’ can be dangerously elusive, the uncertainty and potential waiting-in-vain can be mitigated by an anticipatory constitutional form and structure.