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Phillip Tutor: Twelve months with the coronavirus

Mar. 13—Leave it to the newspaper to say the obvious. "CORONAVIRUS IS HERE" "Five cases in Alabama, schools to close Thursday" A year ago this weekend, that headline — a rare six-column, two-deck screamer — adorned The Star's front page. It draped over readers like a funeral shroud, confirming the worst and foreshadowing what we could neither avoid nor prevent. It's surreal today to look at ...

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South Korea to pay 13.9% more for US troop presence

South Korea to pay 13.9% more for US troop presence
yahoo.com - get the latest breaking news, showbiz & celebrity photos, sport news & rumours, viral videos and top stories from yahoo.com Daily Mail and Mail on Sunday newspapers.

Seoul , Soult-ukpyolsi , South-korea , Pyongyang , P-yongyang-si , North-korea , Washington , United-states , South-korean , Donald-trump , The-trump-administration

How to Get America and Iran Back to the Negotiating Table

The biggest obstacles are neither diplomatic nor technical. They are political.

Iraq , United-states , Israel , Iran , Washington , Lebanon , Tehran , Nowruz , Esfahan , Yemen , Vienna , Wien

ICE Arrests Plummet in February after Biden Policy Changes

ICE Arrests Plummet in February after Biden Policy Changes
yahoo.com - get the latest breaking news, showbiz & celebrity photos, sport news & rumours, viral videos and top stories from yahoo.com Daily Mail and Mail on Sunday newspapers.

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Trump Holdovers Still Dot U.S. Attorneys Offices

Trump Holdovers Still Dot U.S. Attorneys Offices
The Biden administration could get more aggressive with de-Trumpification.
Lev Radin/Sipa USA via AP Images
Acting U.S. Attorney Seth D. DuCharme speaks during a press conference at the U.S. Attorneyâs Office in Brooklyn, New York, on October 14, 2020.
The Revolving Door Project, a Prospect
partner, scrutinizes the executive branch and presidential power. Follow them at therevolvingdoorproject.org.
De-Trumpifying all levels of the Department of Justice (DOJ), an agency still suffering from the
corruption of the previous administration, remains a critical factor in Joe Bidenâs success. President Trump notoriously manipulated U.S. attorneys,

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What the Pentagon's top policy nominee thinks about nukes, Iran and other priorities

What the Pentagon's top policy nominee thinks about nukes, Iran and other priorities
yahoo.com - get the latest breaking news, showbiz & celebrity photos, sport news & rumours, viral videos and top stories from yahoo.com Daily Mail and Mail on Sunday newspapers.

Yahoo , Colin-kahl , Iran , Nuclear-weapon , Gbsd , Undersecretary-of-defense , Iran-nuclear-deal , Senate-armed-services-committee , The-trump-administration , Defense-secretary-lloyd-austin , Nuclear-weapons-policy

Parents of 7 more separated migrant children have been found, lawyer says

It brings the number of parents left to be reached to 499. Families were separated under the Trump administration's policies.

Yahoo , American-civil-liberties-union , President-donald-trump , The-trump-administration , Lee-gelernt , Children , யாகூ , அமெரிக்கன்-சிவில்-சுதந்திரங்கள்-தொழிற்சங்கம் , ப்ரெஸிடெஂட்-டொனால்ட்-துருப்பு , குழந்தைகள் ,

Biden's Syria Airstrikes May Feel Like Trump Déjà Vu. Here's What's Different.

Bloomberg/GettyAmerican airstrikes on Iran-linked paramilitaries in Syria this week were a deterrent response to attacks on U.S. forces in neighboring Iraq. Yet they also to seem have been a conscious refutation by the Biden administration of the Trump administration’s wild, dangerous approach to both Iraq and Iran.Trump’s recklessness almost ignited a regional war. The Biden team’s handling of Thursday’s airstrikes looks very intentionally un-Trump—but Trump left Biden with a dangerous enough predicament in Iraq that even a more careful, deliberate approach might not be enough to fix it.On Thursday evening, U.S. aircraft bombed Iraqi paramilitary factions on the Syrian-Iraqi border, in what the Pentagon said was a deterrent response and an effort to preempt “ongoing threats.” An official in one Iraqi paramilitary group told Reuters that the U.S. strikes had killed one fighter and wounded four.Biden-Ordered Airstrike in Syria Leaves 22 People Dead, Says MonitorThe U.S. airstrikes followed a Feb. 15 rocket attack on a base used by U.S. and partner forces in Erbil, the capital of Iraq’s Kurdistan region, and which killed one civilian contractor and wounded others. A wounded Iraqi civilian died several days later. On Feb. 22, three rockets targeted the U.S. embassy in Baghdad but left only material damage.The Syrian government denounced the U.S. strikes “in the strongest terms.” One of the Iraqi factions targeted, Kataib Hizbullah, likewise condemned American “criminality”.U.S. forces are in Iraq as part of the U.S.-led international Coalition against ISIS to support Iraqi efforts to combat the jihadist group. In recent years, however, violence with Iran-linked paramilitaries has risked overshadowing the counter-ISIS mission.Thursday’s airstrikes seemed almost like a replay of U.S. airstrikes in December 2019. Then the Trump administration responded to a deadly rocket attack by bombing Kataib Hizbulllah facilities on the Syrian-Iraqi border, killing 25 fighters and injuring more than 50. After angry protesters stormed the U.S. embassy compound, Trump retaliated—in a stunning, 0-to-60 escalation—by killing Iranian general Qassem Soleimani and Iraqi paramilitary veteran and security official Jamal Jafar (better known by the nom du guerre “Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis”) in a drone strike. For days, the Middle East seemed on the brink of a broader U.S.-Iran war. The tension only broke after Iranian missile strikes on Iraqi bases hosting U.S. forces injured but did not kill U.S. personnel, which, perversely, opened the way for de-escalation.The U.S. presence in Iraq has remained precarious ever since. Violence in Iraq has periodically surged, U.S.-led Coalition forces have evacuated most of their Iraqi bases, and the Trump administration nearly shut the U.S. embassy in Baghdad. Iraqi paramilitaries continue to maintain that Coalition forces are a foreign “occupation.”You could be forgiven for a feeling of déjà vu, then, at Thursday’s airstrikes on some of the same Iraqi paramilitary factions, hitting the same stretch of Iraqi-Syrian border—and worrying about a repeat of the spiraling escalation that marked the start of 2020.Yet this latest action by the Biden administration also differs from Trump’s December 2019 airstrikes in some important respects.First, the regional context is different. The backdrop for the December 2019 airstrikes was the Trump administration’s campaign of “maximum pressure” on Iran, a strategy whose stated goals amounted, effectively, to regime change. The rocket fire on U.S. forces in Iraq that precipitated those 2019 airstrikes was seemingly part of an asymmetric response by Iran’s regional partners to crushing U.S. economic sanctions on Iran—after all, Iran could hardly reciprocate usefully by levying its own sanctions on the U.S.The Biden administration, by contrast, has expressed its intention to return to the Iran nuclear deal that Trump left, which promises a relaxation of economic pressure on Iran. More generally, the Biden administration has seemed eager to reduce the temperature regionally, down from the constant atmosphere of near-war stoked by the Trump administration.The Biden administration’s messaging around Thursday’s airstrikes reflected that change in the regional context. The Trump administration, in announcing its 2019 airstrikes, pointedly emphasized these Iraqi paramilitaries’ links to Iran. The Pentagon’s statement closed with a deterrent warning aimed mainly at Iran: “Iran and their KH proxy forces must cease their attacks on U.S. and coalition forces, and respect Iraq's sovereignty, to prevent additional defensive actions by U.S. forces.” Trump actually escalated his rhetoric further in the latter days of his presidency, threatening to retaliate directly against Iran for rocket fire in Iraq. “Some friendly health advice to Iran: If one American is killed, I will hold Iran responsible. Think it over,” he tweeted in December 2020.The Biden administration, on the other hand, called the Iraqi factions it bombed “Iranian-backed militant groups” but mainly kept its focus narrowly on the two specific groups it alleged were responsible for recent rocket attacks. When Biden was asked by a reporter Friday what kind of message the strikes sent to Iran, he said, “You can’t act with impunity. Be careful.” Yet officials have otherwise avoided turning the strikes into a Trump-style U.S.-Iran duel.The Biden team’s rhetorical restraint may reflect their consciousness of how to manage a larger engagement with Iran that is delicate and encompasses a number of issues, of which restoring the Iran nuclear deal seems to be the overarching priority. They may also be more sensitive to the legality of military action, and how confidently they can attribute responsibility for the Erbil rocket attack.Even if the Biden administration were inclined to blame Iran for the Erbil attack, the real extent of Iranian control over Iraq’s armed factions is debated, particularly after the killing of Suleimani and Muhandis. Without them, these Iran-linked factions have reportedly become more fractious and inclined to unilateral action.Saudi’s Crown Prince Is a Killer. So Why Is Biden Just Shrugging?In addition to its rhetoric, the Biden administration departed from Trump’s approach in other key respects. The reported toll of Thursday’s U.S. airstrikes—one fighter, not dozens—was seemingly more proportionate to the Erbil rocket fire. The Biden administration said the bombing was “conducted together with diplomatic measures,” including consultation with Coalition partners whose personnel risk retaliation alongside Americans in Iraq.Biden administration officials’ emphasis that they hit these factions inside Syrian territory is another seeming contrast with the Trump administration, which provoked condemnation from even Iraqi officials amicable to the U.S. last year when it unilaterally bombed paramilitaries in Iraq and killed uninvolved Iraqis. By striking instead in Syria, Biden might have mitigated concerns about violating Iraqi sovereignty and avoided political controversy that could imperil a friendly government in Baghdad.These paramilitary factions are part of Iraq’s official auxiliary “Popular Mobilization Forces.” In Syria, though, they operate outside Iraqi state auspices as part of the Iran-led “Resistance Axis.”Still, these paramilitaries dispute U.S. officials’ grasp of geography. In a statement mourning the fighter killed in Thursday’s airstrikes, Kataib Hizbullah said he was killed in “the Iraqi region of al-Qaim specifically,” implying he died on the Iraqi side of the border. Kataib Hizbullah described the man both as “its martyr” but also a member of the Popular Mobilization’s 46th B

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Biden's trade pick vows to work more closely with allies

President Joe Biden's pick to be the top U.S. trade envoy is promising to work with America's allies to combat China's aggressive trade policies, indicating a break from the Trump administration's go-it-alone approach. Fluent in Mandarin, Tai served several years as head of China enforcement at the trade representative's office.

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Physical Mail Could Be Eliminated at Federal Prisons

Physical Mail Could Be Eliminated at Federal Prisons
A pilot program initiated under Trump converts mail to electronic scans. Biden hasnât reversed it, and critics call it abusive and harmful to inmates and families.
In his first-week blitz of executive actions, Joe Biden
directed the Justice Department to not renew federal contracts with the private prison industry. â[W]e must reduce profit-based incentives to incarcerate by phasing out the Federal Governmentâs reliance on privately operated criminal detention facilities,â the order stated.
But the profit motive will still exist in the federal prison system, even after private prison operations contracts are exhausted. Food, medicine, telecommunications, banking, and practically every other service for incarcerated people are almost entirely privatized, through a

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