condition of everlasting dependence on the state. [applause] i have visited the people in the cities, states, and the towns of our nation. i can tell you the band and wouldn't face the future with courage. they are eager to accept their responsibilities. it what to do work and sacrifice to defend our freedom. it is our path as delegates of the 1960 republican convention to make certain the republican voter is provided with an opportunity to make a meaningful choice between the two philosophy is competing today for acceptance and our world. the philosophy of the stomach or the philosophy of the whole man. >> as he watched barry goldwater in 1960, how did that set the stage for his stake in 1964? >> it is the red meat of the conservative movement. he ended his speech by saying, grow up. let's get to work. i think that is the last line of his speech there. he was not, who was that republican guy here ran campaigns the last few years? >> karl rove? >> he was not karl rove and all that type of thing at all. tohad feelings of, let's get work. let's take this back. he had no keys for richard dixon, especially later. probably no use for rockefeller other than they were probably from the. he was saying, let's get to work. >> i wrote my senior thesis in 1971 on the treatment of the barry goldwater campaign. i had the good fortune to spend a full day interviewing the office of the door wide in his office of manhattan. he had vivid memories of the weeks he had spent on the campaign trail with barry goldwater in preparation for the 1964 installment of his famous series. he told me he came away with the tour with great admiration for barry goldwater and with contempt for the liberal media he was a part of and what he thought was doing so much to demonize barry goldwater and distort the case that barry goldwater was trying to make to the people. barry goldwater he told barry had tried earnestly to educate people about the dangers of concentrating power. the specific issue that led to his opposition to the civil rights bill that year. white also said that when goldwater came to fear discussing civil rights issues further on the campaign trail might worsen racial tensions, he met with president lyndon johnson and the two agreed to take the issues out of their campaigns. the agreement really cost barry goldwater boats along a lot of middle-class whites. one must think, he told me how dismayed he had been when he got back from new york after his barry goldwater interval. his liberal media friends received him as if he were a jew just to escape from a nazi death camp. he astonished those men are saying what a worthy candidates barry goldwater was. i thought you would like to know. >> to work for your call. >> he know, it is really interesting of the civil-rights issue that barry goldwater did get a bum rap from the media and continues to get one when you hear people talking about his civil rights record and how he did not vote for the civil rights act or he did not speak out enough. really, he must not have had that in his heart. that could not have been further from the truth about to barry goldwater was. in the cold water department store, they have integrated the store long before anyone else had done that. he really did have a color blind heart. anybody you need to will tell you that. anybody who met barry goldwater would tell you that. one of the greatest stories that i love about -- that relates to this is -- we do not know if it is true or not. i was talking to his son, but the way it goes is that he went to a very fancy golf course and all air and wanted to play a round of golf. he said, you cannot play here because you are jewish. he responded by saying, you know, i am only half jewish. d think i can play nine holes? >> let me say something about civil rights real quick. barry goldwater and here rosenzweig as a city council members integrated the airport in the phoenix which had been segregated before. after world war ii the department of defense asked barry goldwater to organize the arizona air national guard which had not existed before. he said, i will do its on one condition that it is racially integrated. they gave in and said "fine." in the senate he voted for civil rights legislation can -- consistently into the early 60's. the only what he voted against was the final one. he voted against it for one reason and that was because a thing in there called the mrs. murphy law that would have said that if mrs. murray wants to rent her spare bedroom out, that she could not discriminate. he has a longer history of pro civil rights activity. >> let me ask you about the relationship between barry goldwater and john kennedy. both can to the senate together in 1952. >> they had affection for each other. one barry goldwater was rising in the early 1960's, he was very much compared to john kennedy. this handsome, charismatic guy. there was a famous store they talked about campaigning together and writing the same campaign trail and debating each other lincoln and douglas style. this is often taken as a testament of this old civil time. i suspect that john kennedy was speaking cynically and thinking if he could get this guy on a platform and forced into mouth his what were then unpopular views, i can wipe the floor with him. >> history changed in dallas on november 22, 1963 following the assassination of president kennedy. senator barry goldwater said this. >> he was a very decent fellow. he is the kind of an antagonist that i have always enjoyed. he would fight like a wildcat for his points and his principles. there was never anything personal about it. i imagine that i have debated the president more on the floor of the senate than any other man. it never affected our friendship. we had some rather violent arguments in sessions of committee. it never affected our friendship. that is the kind of man you respect. the kind of man you like to work with and politics. >> after the assassination and before he entered the race in 1964, how ambivalent was the about running? >> he was ambivalent airport rolling toward running. one of the reasons he was so ambivalent after the assassination was because he knew the public would beat so on interest ability and the idea of having three presidents in the space of one year would be too much for people to care. >> a question here in the ring. >> i had to keep good fortune of being in the formation of the goldwater institute. i want to make a comment and a question. one of his unique features is he never sought publicity. that made him unusual for a politician. when webber tried to form the organization even with the perspiration of congressman kyl, james kelley and others, he was still reluctant. we wanted to have a reward in his name. he was reluctant again to step forward and have the award named after him. he is unusual in many ways. my question is, is there anybody to compare him with? we think of ronald reagan or maybe somebody like bob taft. is there anyone else we can compare barry goldwater to? >> not a life today. >> i would say two people. ron paul and ronald reagan. i think he compares to ron paul and that ron paul is a very straightforward speaker who does not really care what the press thinks, but he just speaks from his heart about his ideas. it is his downfall. it was part of barry's downfall. also reagan likened that the core of his ideas that barry goldwater ran on ronald reagan letter implemented. ronald reagan had a smoother style. he was mr. hollywood. he had that wonderful smile and people loved him and he made people laugh. he ran basically on the same ideas that barry goldwater did and it brought over -- one in a landslide. sometimes when people say people did not like barry goldwater's ideas are there were not ready for them, i do not think that was a fair assessment. i think the assassination plan a key role at that time. i think the poor messaging barry goldwater barry did was a factor. i don't think it was the ideas. i think it was the way they were sold. >> i think the liberal congressman from illinois speaks with equal forthrightness. she is just as principled as barry goldwater. >> bruce is joining us from california. go ahead with your question. >> thank you for this program. yes or a liberal who has only voted for one republican in my life and that was barry goldwater. i guess my attitude at the time, kennedy was such a young get a new generation, articulate and johnson seemed to be so much the old politics. two things i wanted to mention that i have not heard here, a choice not an echo was one of his big things i thought. the other point i wanted to make was there was a book called "a treason" that came out to run the same time. this was basically john birch society. we had the birchers then and the birthers now. barry goldwater never really separated himself from that group. the night before the election, ronald reagan came on to boost barry goldwater's candidacy. a lot of the comment afterward was, maybe we got the wrong man. >> thank you for the call. we will talk about ronald reagan in about 20 minutes and show you a portion of what he spoke of toward the end of the 1964 campaign. >> this was absolutely scandalous itself. it was a book and argued ever set back in america ever had was because there were secret communists and ultra in every part of the government. 20 million copies of this book were circulated. rich businessmen would buy up thousands and thousands of copies and hand them out everywhere. they are right. barry goldwater did not denounce this stuff. he would rationalize it by saying that people know there is something wrong out there and this is pushing in the right direction. maybe i disagree with that, but he never denounced the john birch society. i think that was one of his achilles' heels. he humored extremists. >> he has been quoted so often. you used the word extremism is no excuse for my spread that came in san francisco. we want to show you that but put it in some sort of a context of what he said before and afterwards. >> anyone who joins us in all sincerity, we welcome. [applause] those who do not care for our cause, we don't expect to enter our race in any case. [applause] and let our republican is and so focused not be made fuzzy by on thinking and stupid labels. [applause] i would remind you that extremism in defense of liberty is no vice. [applause] thank you. thank you. [applause] let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue. [applause] the duty of the very system we republicans are pledged to restore and revitalize the duty of the federal system of ours is and its reconciliation of diversity with unity. we must not see in difference of opinion, no matter how great so long as they are not inconsistent with what we have given each other in and through our constitution. [applause] our republican cause -- how does that speech president along the republican electorate and the voters at large? >> richard nixon wrote in his memoirs that when he heard that he clearly felt sick to his stomach. the reason for that was, they had an incredibly divisive convention. barry goldwater won the most delegates by for because they organized it so well. many people in the party felt like they had stolen the party. the republican party was a moderate party and a conservative had one. what you are supposed to do, your role is to bind the wounds together of a divisive campaign. people can you night and go forward. instead, he seemed to be pushing in people's faces his acceptance of this notion of extremism. in the context of the time it meant things like the john birch society. it meant things like the southern segregationists who are changing their democratic affiliation to republican affiliation. the public itself and the context of this kennedy assassination was the idea that the bottom had dropped out of civility, people wanting so much for normalcy, it really did seem like something once again that was frightening, that was strange, that was perverse. his numbers went way down. a week after that, there was a terrible riot and harlem. increased their sense that barry goldwater was associated with these very frightening sources in american life. when people were riding in harlem, people were saying things like, they are shooting black people. this barry goldwater is happening. it shows the unfair paranoia that surrounded barry goldwater in this atmosphere in which people really felt that to the springs were being listened in america's consensus. >> good evening. welcome to the program. >> thank you. in 1986 congress passed a scholarship named after barry goldwater. irony every if the skit them based on what i have heard and the panel about his ideology that a federal scholarship would go to students. i think his comments on his use of public education and if there is any known about how his feelings of congress awarding him the scholarship. >> thank you, matthew. >> i have not heard that. that is something i would like to learn more about. certainly it would be ironic if it was true. he looked at the constitution. he did not see any role in their given to the federal government to be involved in education. he spoke out against federal involvement in education. he said, i don't want the federal government to educate my children. i don't what the state government to educate my children. i want to educate my children. if we can bring this up to modern times, what is so interesting and i think is a great tribute to barry goldwater is that arizona is one of the leading states in offering choices to parents -- school choice so people are not forced to go into government schools but can use tax money and take that to private schools or online tutoring. i think barry goldwater would have loved that and been crazy about that because this was something that he believed -- at bottom he believes in freedom. nothing is more fundamental than being able to direct how to were children are educated. the you know of the scholarship part is true? to be heard that? >> i have heard something or i just remembered after the senator died something about congress passing something in science and technology in his name. i cannot remember what it was if it was a scholarship thing. that is vague in my mind. >> you cannot talk about barry goldwater in the 1964 campaign without bringing up the ad you mentioned before. here once on september 7, 1964, labor day monday. it aired on nbc, cbs, and abc used it as subsequent stories. it is known as the daisy ad. >> 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 -- 9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4, 3, 2, 1, 0 [explosion] >> in these are the stakes to make a world in which all of god's children can live are to go into the garden. we must either love each other, or we must die. >> vote for president johnson on november 3. the stakes are too high for you to stay home. >> 50 years later, they're still talking about this ad. why? >> it was devastating. he never mentioned barry goldwater's time. he did not need to. keep in mind the whole campaign up to that point focused on the word "extremist." that is over and over it in. this was just another little piece of barry goldwater is an extremist. he will get us into nuclear wars. i want to say something about that ad. that ad is written and designed by -- >> tony sorts. >> bill moyers per >> that is not true. that is absurd. >> let me finish. barry goldwater in my show is on camera. he said, bill morris was behind that. he said, i tried years later after words to talk to bill moyers about it. he thought it was a pretty rotten deal. i tried to talk to bill moyers and he never returned my phone call. susan, his second wife, told me after, bill moyers was in town for something that related to politics. she had occasion to talk to him. bill moyers said it to susan, yes, it was a shame. i tried to get a hold of barry goldwater to talk to him about a lot of times. we could just never beat up. susan was implying that was baloney. >> i can state categorically having a record every memo with how the advertisements were created in 1964 that bill moyers had nothing to do with creating that had it. >> was white house press secretary at the time. >> he wrote memos about the ad. he was involved in the media strategy. he did not create the ad. >> question here. >> the subtitle for your book is "the unmaking of a consensus." i am interested in what is making a consensus -- what is it that was done made and are we making a new one? "i think in a sense the word consensus would have to appear in quotation marks. there was a myth that after world war ii that since the eisenhower administration accepted the new deal as a template, eisenhower said that anyone who fiddled with social security would never live to see another political that. he expanding the welfare state in certain ways. this idea that -- i might even read just a classic statement about how the american consensus was on top of that the time. the dean of rutgers work in a magazine, in america there are no basic disagreements between intellectuals, bankers, trade unionists, artists, a businessman, the knicks, professional people, and politicians to name a few. there are no real critics, no new ideas, no fundamental differences of opinion. the idea that the western world, not just america, had converged on the idea of the wall street -- welfare state to organize the world was seen as permanent. what is so fascinating to me and why i called him up before the storm is almost immediately in the 1960's gives like to that notion. americans are at each other's throats. we are debating in the most fundamental ways. it was the american consensus. in 1964 is when we began to see these come apart. barry goldwater is a central figure in that. >> if you couldn't just a minute, the issue of civil rights in the 1964 vote, barry goldwater voted they tested and it became one of the issues of the campaign. >> a couple of fascinating points about that. we talked about the lyndon johnson television commercials. they had a few in the can boasting about the civil war -- civil-rights deal. they did not run those. the idea of a backlash and civil rights was already present. in california, in the book i publish a headline in the new york times, what backlash did not develop? maybe people would vote for barry goldwater because there were so terrified of blacks having civil rights. in california on the same day that lyndon johnson won by 1 million votes, there was also a vote for a referendum. the of referendum was on open housing. by 1 million votes, californians voted to reject the idea of open housing trade to reject a law that says you cannot discriminate on the basis of race to whom you rent your home. the idea of a backlash against civil rights was a tent at the time and became the most explosive issue in american politics in the decades to come. >> if you look at what happened in 1952 when dwight eisenhower won, but you look at the south and the impact the civil rights vote have for democrats in 1964, what is the difference? >> that was the party of the carpetbaggers. it was the party if you voted for republicans and they had a total, it would monopolize the blackfoot. there were all these panics about -- we have all seen "gone with the wind." the shift began in 1964. five states voted for goldwater. when lyndon johnson signed it the civil-rights bill, he said i and signing away the south for the democratic party for at least one generation. the south now is primarily a republican -- and and that is because conservatives led by barry goldwater decided to retreat from the idea of the federal government advancing civil rights for african americans. >> two years after -- and two years after he became governor of california, we had a portion of the speech he delivered. is called a time for choosing. late in the campaign as ronald reagan talked about the virtues of barry goldwater. >> i think it is time that we ask ourselves now we still the freedoms that were intended for us by the founding fathers. not too long ago two trends of mine were talking to a human graffiti. a businessman who had escaped from castro. one of my friends turn to the other and said we do not know how lucky we are. the cuban stopped and said, how lucky you are? i had some place to skate to. he told us the entire story. if we lose freedom here, there is no place to the state here. this is the last stand on earth. his idea that government is beholden to the people that it has no other source of power behind the sovereign people is still the newest and most unique idea and the world's longest relationship to man. you and i have a rendezvous with destiny. we will preserve this last stocks for man on earth or we will force them to stick is that of 1000 years of darkness. we will remember that barry goldwater has faith in us. he has faith that you and i have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny. thank you very much. [applause] >> from october to date -- october 22, 1964, what is the history behind that speech? >> what did he delivered it? >> i don't know who drafted the speech. he probably does. that is okay. barry goldwater himself was a great speaker. i mean dramatic. he was wonderful. he did not like prepared written speeches. somebody wrote to that speech for barry goldwater and submit it to him. my source on this is bob goldwater and some other historians. he read it and said this is a great speech, but i am not good at giving written speeches. ronald reagan can do this speech at lot better. they sent it over to him to deliver it on tv or wherever it was. ronald reagan did it. that was the beginning of a reagan ending up as president was that speech which was written for barry goldwater. >> it also led another -- a number of california executives to coach according to governor in 1966. >> he had given similar speeches the early '60s. the people who had been in charge of basically handling the money for. cold water's television account for so fed up with the terrible commercials, that basically said if you let us spend it the whole way, will spend it the way we want to. we are going to basically sequester this money. they played hard ball. that is how they got ronald reagan on the air. after he gave that speech, telegrams poured into the campaign. money poured into the campaign. people started talking about ronald reagan as a gubernatorial possibility. david said it was the best political debut he had ever heard of since the speech by william jennings bryant. >> the relationship, was it a close relationship or was it more of an acquaintance? >> ronald reagan, his father was a wealthy physician at new the cold waters. there is a whole fascinating thing ever to my book that these people who ran his campaign did not want ronald reagan to give it this speech. it is a little different. he had set thinks about social security that barry goldwater had gotten in trouble for earlier in the year. basically what ronald reagan said to barry goldwater, why don't you listen to it. if you object to it. he do not have to run it. barry goldwater heard it and said this is great, i don't see what the fuss is about. the rest is history. >> good evening. >> good evening, sir. he pretty much answered my question. i was wondering what mr. barry goldwater thought about the way he gave the speech that night. also, mr. barry goldwater and ronald reagan and william buckley, did they ever have difference of opinion as far as conservatism or were they in accord? with that, i thank you for taking my question. >> thank you. >> william f. buckley was actually shut out of the goldwater campaign late in 1963. it was a power play by a fellow by the name of -- it was power politics. william f. buckley on several different occasions that he did not think that barry goldwater would make a good president. he was not ready to be president and not smart enough to be president. now, ronald reagan to talk relationship with william buckley is complicated. the panama crowd -- the panama canal, they had a famous debate in which william f. buckley argued that it was a good thing. ronald reagan had basically run his 1976 campaign on the idea that it was a bad thing. these are the personality clashes that any of these guys are going to have. >> can i recommend that a great book for this questionnaire -- william f. buckley's last book that he published is called "hiflying high." it is one of the best books ever written and bottled water. i recommend it. >> -- written about barry goldwater. i recommend it. >> i have two questions for the panel to address. i wonder if by engaging over directly about the issue over the it not, barry goldwater could have forced lyndon johnson to come up with an exit strategy and hasten the war's conclusion. >> let's get and will follow up on your second one appeared >> i am not sure that -- there were forces trying to persuade lyndon johnson to do a lot of things about vietnam's. none of them prevailed. i am not sure he could have had much influence on lyndon johnson. i do not know. i did not say expert on that. we have some vietnam veterans in the crowd. maybe they know. >> my second point is we have heard a lot tonight about his consistency. in 1996, he endorsed bill clinton for president. i would love it if the panel could be behind the motivations of that endorsement. >> he was a guy that could bear grudges. bob dole had been around a lot in republican politics. i would not be surprised if bob dole had angered him somewhere along the way. i do not know the back story behind it. i would love to know. >> he also endorsed a woman named karen english for a congressional seat in arizona who was a democrat. she won and served one term. >> along those lines, when asked about his consistency, one of my favorite stories is about that. he endorsed someone who was a fiscal conservative but was a democrat over a republican who he thought was a big spender. the republican party chairman in arizona called him up and said, you are speaking out too much. you need to get in line. if you don't stop endorsing this democrat, we are or to take your name off of the republican party headquarters. barry goldwater said to him, if the republicans don't remember the principles that we stand for, i will make you take my name off of that. >> over the years, especially since he was in retirement, a number of public figures both republicans and democrats would come out here to me with care -- barry goldwater. why? >> they admired him. he is one of the time. a person of integrity. they may not have agreed with them, but he was one of the time. you have to keep in mind, one theory: daughter died, bill clinton had the flags of the united states lowered to half staff on the day of his funeral. that had never happened before apple probably never happen again. >> one quick what about hillary clinton being a goldwater girl in 1964. >> he had a very fascinating rehabilitation in the 1970's. there was an article in the new york times magazine in april of 1974. in 1964 he was bela lugosi. the liberals love barry goldwater now. what it was about is how it reviewed a lot of the unfairness that we have been talking about. the reconsideration centered it around the fact he was being so forthright in excoriating richard nixon for his lies. >> welcome to the program. >> thank you so much. i was raised in phoenix and my family worshipped goldwater. we were active in his campaign. my brother became a libertarian and said it would never need to be a libertarian party of. goldwater had just become president. i was then later a 1992 delegate to the republican convention. it was going to be a big fight that year, a platform fight over putting abortion in the platform. one week before the convention, empirical water base statement to the press about there was no blankety blank way that should be in the platform. but i got to the convention, there were all of these tables. here was a big blue button that said "barry's right." i bought that and were it the entire week. to this day it is my most prized possession. barry is still right. >> thank you for the call. >> you know, i think that is a difficult issue. i think a lot of people like to use that to call -- i am not saying you're caller did this. to position. all water as a libertarian. i think they know that two% of the public consider themselves libertarians and try to marginalize him that way. the truth is that a lot of conservatives believe that the federal government should not have any role in the question of whether or not abortion is a crime. william f. buckley is a pretty strong conservative. i do not think anybody would quibble with that. he also believed that was not the role of the federal government. marketing comes into play here. the way people took what barry goldwater said is not the way people took what will lead f. buckley said. it were saying the same thing. >> you cannot talk about during cold water -- we should point out he left the senate in 1964 because his term expired. he came back and had a very important role as he met with richard nixon two days before his resignation. what is the story? >> he was the guy who led a delegation of republicans. it is very simple. impeachment of a political process, he said that you do not have the votes in the senate to win in a trial. therefore, you do not want to be the first president to be thrown out on your ear by the senate. you ought to resign. richard nixon took his advice. richard nixon resigned on august 9, 1974. >> the relationship between the two? >> testy. barry goldwater consistently throughout watergate would broad richard nixon to tell the truth. he said this is beginning to smell. there was a very famous showdown between barry goldwater and richard nixon at the 1960 republican convention. one of the most important set pieces and conservative history. nelson rockefeller basically threatened a floor fight unless he could dictate the terms of the republican platform. he forced richard nixon to fly to new york to negotiate the terms of the platform. it was announced in chicago where the convention was. barry goldwater was so mad he give this angry speech calling it munich of the republican party. that was when people started demonstrating for barry goldwater at that convention to usurp the nomination from richard nixon. ever since that point i don't think he ever really trusted richard nixon. >> tipping ahead to watergate is what brought on the resignation. barry goldwater told me and bob goldwater reiterates this. the reason that barry goldwater was so angry at richard nixon leading up to the resignation is because "richard was a gd liar." there is a thing in the documentary, from childhood he said that if we did something wrong and we told the truth, we did not get punished. if we glide, we got punished. there is a very strong thing about flying. he was so angry at richard nixon for lighting through the water gate. -- for lying through the water gate. >> in 1968 i was covering the republican convention in miami. i was able to meet barry goldwater who was there. he was extremely nice. he struck me as totally different from his national image. i also discovered ronald reagan in the back of the news section of an auditorium being interviewed in a booth by nbc. i was the on the what to see him there. ronald reagan was making noises about running for president at that convention. i stood outside while he was finishing the interview. i think it was with david brinkley. he came out and by that time a whole lot of other reporters had gathered out there. mr. ronald reagan came out. i asked him a couple of questions. other reporters circled him. there were 20 or 30 of them. i was throwing questions over the top of that. he was very nicely yelling his answers back to my microphone. we want a round a corner. the whole gang of people swept into this table at the end of it knocking over a little man with his typewriter on the floor. i let them go. i stop and help to this little man. i looked into his face and it was theodore s. white. that stopped me right there. he was just so -- he apologize to me for that. i got to meet three really nice people there. barry goldwater, ronald reagan, and theodore s. white. >> thank you for the phone call from new orleans. conventions were quite different in 1964 and 1968. >> i do think in the making of the president, teddy white was pretty patronizing tiberi goldwater. the 1964 convention was angry. i was told that it was so impassioned and have violently angry by the media -- the eastern establishment press, david brinkley told his son who was a teenager at the time that you are under no circumstances to wear your nbc insignia around san francisco. that is why people were afraid of this idea of the cold water movement as this crazy fascist thing. it was a dangerous for any time. >> in his final two years in the u.s. senate before retiring, he put forth ronald reagan's nomination to serve a second term and to beat the republican nominee in 1984. >> one month ago i sat in my den and watched the democratic national convention. speaker after speaker promised the known to every narrow sense his group in the country. they ignored the hopes and aspirations of the largest special interest group all -- and free men and free women. [applause] so tonight, i want to speak about freedom. let me remind you that extremism as a defense of liberty is no vice. [applause] >> essential barry goldwater? >> absolutely. people loved barry goldwater. what he was expressing its i can to "give me liberty or give me death." and in america, we believe this. i think sometimes the loss of the 1964 campaign is mistakenly interpreted as an outright rejection of those ideas. it was not anything of the sort. you can hear it from the cheering. you can hear it from the reagan revolution. you know, that is what the liberal press at that time wanted people to believe. when he lost the campaign, the new york times' washington bureau chief had said that barry goldwater had not only lost but have lost the entire conservative cause. there were always talking about the death of conservatism. that is wishful thinking. it remains wishful thinking on the part of the press. that is classic barry goldwater. it reflects what many a americans believe which is that you cannot be too passionate, to committee, or two extreme, if you want to use that word, in defense of our constitutional freedoms. >> jay is joining us from the york city. go ahead please. >> i just recently became into politics with the election of barack obama. i tried to look and see what the backlash was so i barry goldwater looked at barry goldwater and read the book " conscious of a conservative. you look at certain organizations and they praise these conservatives, i look at the record and try to think what it did not vote for conservative? what is it so monolithic pri what is the situation? he looked at the state's right speech. can conservatives at least understand that when you keep treating people like ronald reagan and barry goldwater, all we have to do is pick up the book and the record is right there. until you can be honest and say you are wrong on this. you cannot say freedom and equality when a whole segment of society feels like they are alienated. i would like to take that, on the air. thank you for taking my call. >> thank you, jay. >> i certainly understand what the caller was saying in his use. i think more what he is referring to whether he realizes it or not is the image of barry goldwater that was put out there has been a crazy guy or a racist or what ever. he really was not. barry goldwater, you what ever you want, he was never a hateful person. he was never a vengeful person in his handling of politics. i wish some of these 12 people running around for president presently would adopt the niceness of barry goldwater. >> it is important to note also by the end of the 1964 campaign, barry goldwater did make a very important and subtle shift on his position on civil rights. he would always say that he was an integrationist. that was his goal for society. by the end of the campaign as he was trying to win the southern states, he did say, our goal is neither to have an integrated or a segregated society. it is to have a free society. he did seem to move away from the idea of integration as a positive good. >> the reform debate in 1960 and in no debates in 1964. why? >> in order to have a debate, you had to suspend a rule of the federal communications commission so that every candidate -- of 30 candidates including the beekeepers party -- would not have to be on the states. lyndon johnson wired net income or so it was impossible. he did not want to face barry goldwater. it says something like maybe he thought barry goldwater would have been a worthy adversary. >> this question is for darcy. the cdt party movement as a resurgence of barry goldwater movement? >> i definitely think there are -- the tea party -- the best way to answer that is it is not monolithic. there are all kinds of people who constitute the tea party and a lot of ideas in the tea party. if you look at the tea party as a group of people who have fought these gigantic bailouts and washington, they fought the raising of the debt ceiling, they fought the federal takeover of health care. all of these things he would have been with them on. coming out and some of the major pieces and what the tea party folks are working on. >> franklin is on the farm. welcome you. >> i would like to make a comment. if we would have elected barry goldwater as president in 1964, we would have won the war can and vietnam. he did not believe in public opinion to guide the war. i would also like to say that barry goldwater i barry told mr. nixon that he could not hold the south for him or make sure the south would stay for him. they asked him to resign instead of be impeached. thank you. >> franklin, thank you. >> this stuff about how barry goldwater could have miraculously when the vietnam war. the united states paid over the entirety of a land mass of north and south vietnam with a quarter inch of steel. i think it is a fantasy. a pleasant one, but it is a good position. >> we just have one minute or two left. id barry goldwater view's change as he got over? >> his basic core philosophy and the way he looked at life and politics. i have had battles and op-ed pages where people are like, he got senile and it turned liberal at the end. he did not. he was always wassmall l libertarian. freedom of choice whether it was abortion, gay rights, or any number of things carry he was totally consistent his entire life. >> i agree with that. any question about any time. in his life when you look at what his position was and ask a question of whether it was constitutional or not, that will give you the answer to what his position was. people look around to find politicians who were as honest as him and stand for principles. there are few and far between. that is why he gave us his blessing. he knew he could not count on politicians to stand on principle all the time. with regular men and women supporting an organization who believed in those ideas, he would always have a voice for freedom. >> rick perlstein, i will give you the final word. what was the legacy of the 1964 campaign and what impact did he have? "i think the legacy was organizational. it was the formalization -- it was the formation of organization that became a permanent conservative movement that lost the battle in 1964 but lived to fight a dozen of battles more. i think his legacy is to have inspired these people to become something -- become part of something greater than themselves. to inspire people who felt frustrated with the course of the country to take civic action. >> the book is called "before the storm," by rick perlstein. to darcy olsen for hosting us here at the goldwater institute. and bill mccune who is a former arizona state legislature and a producer of a documentary called "barry boldwater, an american life." we want to leave you with some of the words of barry goldwater with an interview we did with him while he was winding down his political career from the seas and archives in 1985. >> a data thing i would tell politicians coming into washington -- your reelection is not going to make or break the united states. do the best job you can do. that is what you are here for. to defend the constitution against all enemies foreign and domestic. be honest. that is all i would tell them pure >> how about the republican party leaders today? >> i think we have good leadership here today. lord knows we spent long enough time out of office that we should have learned some things. politics go in a circle. you will find the liberal elegant running things for a while. now, we find the conservatives on the way up. the conservatives will run things until he runs out of ideas. the other party or even the republican party becomes the liberal party will take over. our politics in a mirror a cut going around in circles. ii think that is great. you know where goldwater stands. with goldwater ♪ [captioning performed by national captioning institute] [captions copyright national cable satellite corp. 2011] >> profiles of figures who have run for president and lost the changed political history. r lowe continues next friday where will be in indianapolis to talk with historians and take your calls about the campaign of hubert humphrey. the series is every friday night at 8:00 eastern on c-span. you can see tonight's problem -- program again at 11:00 eastern. more information is online. you can find a schedule and biographies. all at c-span.org/thecontenders. >> the new design features of love and video choices, making it easier for you watch today's e events. there is a section to access our most popular series and programs. and we have added a channel finder see you can quickly find work to watch our networks on cable or satellite systems across the country at the on the c-span.org. >> those of you who were disappointed, i am doing the right thing. >> i believe that 1984 finds the united states in its strongest position to establish a realistic working relationship with the soviet union. >> the c-span video library is your source for online public affairs. now there is a new way to access our program. just 99 cents each. take c-span with you on your iphone or any portable device. >> to president obama at a veterans day events at arlington national cemetery. starting with a wreath laying ceremony followed by an observance of the memorial. this is about an hour. >> address. >> forward, march. present. >> present. ["star-spangled banner" plays] ♪ >> order. >> order! >> present. >> present! [camera shutters click] ["taps" plays] ♪ >> order! >> order! [camera shutters click] [band plays] ["battle hymn of the republic"] ♪ >> ♪ his truth is marching on glory, glory hallelujah glory, glory, hallelujah glory, glory hallelujah his truth is marching on ♪ they have builded him an altar in the evening dews and damps i can read righteous sentence by the dim and flaring lamps his day is marching on ♪ >> ♪ his truth is marching on glory, glory hallelujah glory, glory hallelujah his truth is marching on ♪ ♪ ♪ christ was born across the sea with a glory in his bosom that transfigures you and me as he died to make men holy, let us die to make men free while god is marching on ♪ ♪ glory, glory hallelujah glory, glory hallelujah glory, glory hallelujah his truth is marching on glory, glory hallelujah glory, glory hallelujah his truth is marching on ♪ ♪ [applause] >> ladies and gentlemen, please stand. u.s. navy retired, commander in chief. secretary of veterans affairs. [applause] [patriotic music plays] ladies and gentlemen, the president of the united states. ["hail to the chief" plays] [applause] >> please be seated. ladies and gentlemen, as we begin today's ceremony, we will present a special tribute to americans veterans. ofthe 1700's, generations our military men and women have established a legacy, it resolved, and determination that exist in our country today. ♪ following the attack on pearl harbor, america's greatest ge neration attack a step forward around the world. peace was short-lived as the world became polarized. there was communism. ♪ in korea, our veterans served in the fighting force in places like pork chop hill. after three years of intense combat, armistice was signed that is still in effect today. ♪ in vietnam, our next generation of veterans in engage the enemy wherever they found them in places such as the tet offensive. the military draft ended following a vietnam. this forced the resolve of the united states in granada and panama rescuing thousands. the fall of the berlin wall marked our victory in the cold war. history repeated itself in the middle east and europe. forces move swiftly in desert storm. the united states intervene in bosnia and cause a vote to protect the innocent -- kosovo. ♪ following the attacks of 9/11, americans took to the fight in southwest asia where continues to limit threats today. americans veterans continue to be the bedrock of our nation, caring for families and neighbors and the united states of america. ["this is our country" plays] [applause] ladies and gentlemen, please rise as we present our national colors and those of our host veterans organization, the military order of the world wars. [patriotic music plays] please remain standing for the prayer for all veterans deliver ed by the director of veterans affairs chaplain service. >> let us pray. holy god, we seek blessing as a return to this sacred ground to honor american veterans. we join with americans across our land in ceremonies around the world to thank our veterans for their love of country, their dedication to excellence, and their commitment to service. we give thanks for families who have stood by other military men and women while they were deployed, and today stand by them as they invest that same love of country, dedication, and service in civilian life. we pause this morning to remember and pray for those who continue to grieve the loss of the service member, no matter the generation or time of service. in this hour, we pledge to care for veterans and their families as they adjust to living with the wounds of war. made a note that their -- may they know their sacrifices were not in vain, and that a grateful nation takes time today to honor them for the great gift of freedom. blessed are service members who continue to serve in harm's way in afghanistan, iraq, and in locations around the world. hear our prayer for veterans. we pray with gratitude. amen. >> amen. >> i like to invite the commander in chief of the military order of the world wars, russell vowinkel, to lead us in the pledge of allegiance. >> i pledge allegiance to the flag and the united states of america, one nation under god indivisible with liberty and justice for all. >> please be seated. it is my distinct privilege to introduce the leaders of the veterans service organizations that comprise the veterans day national committee. the committee was formed by presidential order in 1954 to hold an annual observation for americans veterans and to encourage veteran's day occurrences the route the -- throughout the nation. nation. please hold your applause until i have introduced all of these special guests. please stand if you're able when i call your name. russell vowinkel. arthur cooper. national president, the retired enlisted association. harold fritz. president, congressional medal of honor society. donald samuels. national commander. bill mulei. national president, pearl harbor survivors association. norbery ryan jr. terese robell. national commander, region of american veterans. william mcswain. korean war veterans association. albert gonzalez. national commander, american g.i. forum. albert fauk. a jewish war veterans of the usa. caroe beaugard. -- carole beaugard. prisoners of war. frederick iliad. vice-president, of vietnam veterans of america. richard denouier. veterans of the foreign wars of the united states. garry frye. samuel hune. blinded veterans association. jeffrey gibson. national commander, army and navy union. h. jane overstreet. noncommissioned officers association. david boyles. national vice commander, the american legion. bill hutton. military order of the purple heart. james scarborough. fleet reserve association. james tuey. marine corps lead. edward t. brogan. military chaplains association. bill lawson. paralyzed veterans of america. donald l. marks. legion of valor of the usa. the social members of the committee are located in the boxes to my left. please hold your applause until the end. jeanette early. cold storage -- goldstar wives of america. janet broussard. blue star mustard -- blue star mothers of america. peter fords. s. samfort schlit. airforce association. carl berritt. maybe veterans of america. jeffrey ledeaux. air force sgt association. mike lynch. gerald d. francisco. president of the humanitarian services, american red cross. david fletcher. national association of veterans affairs. gloy s. montgomery -- glory s. montgomery. gerad yamada. japanese american veterans association. j. david bailey. veterans of the battle of the bulge. darlene baker. charles able. woundedwalker williams. reserve officers association. tim moon. association of the united states navy. latest installment, please drum -- ladies and gentlemen, please join me in recognizing our veterans national leadership with your plots -- ladies and gentlemen please join me in recognizing our veterans national leadership with your applause. [applause] it is my pleasure to introduce our host. the military order of the world wars was formed as a suggestion of john j. pershing. is comprised of members who work or are commissioned officers of the army, navy, marine corps, public health service, and the national oceanic and atmospheric administration. they represented by russell vowinkel. he served as a flight officer. ladies and gentlemen, russell vowinkel. [applause] >> and americans everywhere -- fellow veterans, thank you for celebrate the service of america's veterans. terry shinseki reminds us that november 11 is a day to celebrate the selfless service of our veterans -- secretary shinseki. shinseki.