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The Decades Of Successful Marketing Behind 'Right-To-Work' Laws

On its face, who’d object to a “right-to-work” law? By that token, and divorced from its substance, who wouldn’t be “pro-life”? Who quibbles with the assertion…

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California legislature passes bill that could transform worker bargaining

Christopher Morris/Getty Images(NEW YORK) -- U.S. labor unions enjoy their highest level of approval in almost 60 years, as high-profile worker victories at Amazon and Starbucks have galvanized public support. However, union membership -- the lifeblood of the labor movement -- has fallen to a historic low. The decline of labor power stems in part from federal labor law, since employers retain wide latitude to obstruct union campaigns, labor experts told ABC News. Businesses, in turn, often push down wages and weaken labor conditions in pursuit of a competitive advantage, exploiting the lack of worker representation at their firms, the experts said. But a first-of-its-kind state bill that cleared the California legislature on Monday could circumvent those challenges and transform the future of worker bargaining, the analysts said. If signed by Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom, the law would allow hundreds of thousands of fast food workers to bargain collectively over the terms of their work at large companies across the sector, rather than be forced to form a union at a single workplace and negotiate with one employer at a time. Using a newly created state-level council, California could raise pay and improve working conditions for the industry. "It's really significant because it's giving fast food workers a seat at the table on a sector-wide basis," Sharon Block, the executive director of the Labor and Worklife Program at Harvard University Law School, told ABC News. "Once this is up and running, fast food companies can't compete against each other based on who can drive down labor costs as much as possible to make themselves more profitable," she added. The bill made it through the California Senate by a margin of 21 to 12 on Monday, after the state assembly passed a version of the measure in January. It remains unclear whether Newsom will sign it into law. The measure would create a 10-person council made up of industry and worker representatives, as well as two state officials, that could set standards across the sector on issues of health and safety, and impose an industry-wide minimum wage. Angelica Hernandez, a crew manager at a Los Angeles-based McDonald's, said she welcomes the potential to influence conditions at the company. "They make us do the work of two to three people, and yet our salary is barely just enough for one person," she told ABC News. When Angelica began working at McDonald's 17 years ago, she made around $7.50 or $8.50 per hour, she said. Now, she makes $17.75 per hour but still struggles to pay for what she needs, she said. "Now, we'll have a say to better represent what workers need across the industry," she said. McDonald's did not immediately respond to ABC News' request for comment. The bill does have limitations. It puts a ceiling on a potential minimum wage for fast food workers at $22 next year. At that time, the statewide minimum wage will reach $15.50. Cost-of-living adjustments in the industry-wide minimum wage are required by the bill but would not go into effect until 2024. Moreover, decisions made by the sector-wide council would only apply to large companies with 100 or more locations nationwide. The bill marks a dramatic advance for the labor movement in its effort to organize workers, like those in fast food, who've struggled to improve conditions in their industries, said Mary Kay Henry, the president of the Service Employees International Union, or SEIU, one of the nation's largest unions and a major backer of the bill. "We think this model is a gigantic step forward for workers who've been excluded since the beginning of time in our country," Henry told ABC News. SEIU supports efforts to spread the model to other states, including worker-friendly state houses in New York and Illinois, she said. Ultimately, she added, the union aims to enshrine the model into federal law. "Over labor history, law has always followed the militant action of workers who are fearless and determined in making new models happen," she said. Some industry representatives have opposed the bill. Michelle Korsmo, president and CEO of the National Restaurant Association, a trade group, warned that it will lead to increased costs for the fast food sector, which will place a significant burden on small businesses. "It's rare that a state legislature passes a bill that would hurt small businesses, their employees, and their customers," Korsmo said in a statement, adding that this bill "does just that." "This comes at a time when inflation is at record highs and families are struggling every month," she said. Some precedent exists for the bill -- both domestically and abroad. Workers routinely negotiate on a sector-wide basis in some European countries, including, for instance, fast food workers in Denmark. A similar model raised wages for fast food workers in New York, where a statewide labor board in 2015 set the minimum wage for the industry at $15 per hour. It marked one of the first major victories for the Fight for $15, a labor movement that aimed to raise wages and unionize the fast food sector. New York's wage board -- a statute that allows a governor to call a commission to investigate and raise pay for a given sector -- went into effect during the New Deal era. "Folks discovered this thing still existed, dusted it off, and tried it," Shaun Richman, a labor scholar at State University of New York's Empire College, told ABC News. "It made SEIU true believers of this process." Now, California is on the verge of implementing a law that would allow fast food workers to negotiate for pay and better conditions on an ongoing basis. "It's replicable," Richman said. "There's a tremendous amount of potential to increase union power." Copyright © 2022, ABC Audio. All rights reserved.

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California legislature passes bill that could transform worker bargaining - WEIS | Local & Area News, Sports, & Weather

Christopher Morris/Getty Images(NEW YORK) -- U.S. labor unions enjoy their highest level of approval in almost 60 years, as high-profile worker victories at Amazon and Starbucks have galvanized public support. However, union membership -- the lifeblood of the labor movement -- has fallen to a historic low. The decline of labor power stems in part

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Tired of Being Worked to Death, Labor Strikes Back

Tired of Being Worked to Death, Labor Strikes Back
counterpunch.org - get the latest breaking news, showbiz & celebrity photos, sport news & rumours, viral videos and top stories from counterpunch.org Daily Mail and Mail on Sunday newspapers.

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Viewpoint: Beneath Striketober Fanfare, The Lower Frequencies of Class Struggle

As the rich and comfortable stayed indoors and rode out the worst months of the pandemic on their Peloton bikes, workers around the country shifted into a different gear. Ten thousand farming equipment workers in Iowa, Illinois, Kansas, Colorado, and Georgia walked out of their jobs, joining 1,400 cereal workers at Kellogg’s plants in Nebraska, Michigan, Tennessee, and

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Viewpoint: Beneath Striketober Fanfare, The Lower Frequencies of Class Struggle

Viewpoint: Beneath Striketober Fanfare, The Lower Frequencies of Class Struggle
labornotes.org - get the latest breaking news, showbiz & celebrity photos, sport news & rumours, viral videos and top stories from labornotes.org Daily Mail and Mail on Sunday newspapers.

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Monthly Review | Striketober! Let it spread like a contagion (Shaun Richman in 'In These Times')

A moment in which tens of thousands of workers are on strike — at John Deere, at Kellogg’s, at Warrior Met Coal—might seem like a strange time to talk about a…

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Monthly Review | The teeth in the Labor Law trap (Marx & Philosophy Review of Books reviews "Tells the Bosses We're Coming")


Augustus B Cochran, III
….not concerned to diagnose the cause of workers’ problems, Richman’s analysis implicitly centers work law as the principal culprit responsible for the labour movement’s predicament. He makes a strong case that labour law, rather than balancing the power disparities between employees and employers and protecting worker rights, has instead become a ‘trap’ favoring bosses and impeding worker organization. He deftly analyzes the teeth in the trap (51-53). Most flaws he identifies are well-known: enterprise-level bargaining, a right to strike weakened by permanent replacements, management’s rights and permissive topics of bargaining that exclude key business decisions determining the quality and quantity of work, benefits constituting a private welfare system that makes unionized companies less competitive, and campaign rules that advantage employers. In criticizing exclusive representation as aiding employers more than unions, however, he attacks a major pillar of the American model of unionism. Exclusivity established through National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) elections, when combined with the legal duty to represent all workers in the bargaining unit equally regardless of union membership and the encouragement of free riders (workers receiving benefits without paying even the minimal costs of representation, so-called ‘agency fees’) in public and private (‘right to work’ laws now enacted in a majority of states) employment, now imposes more burdens than benefits, he contends.

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