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secretariat in '73 at the belmont. we are not always right, but, you know, sham had it all the way until the gate opened. it was close. >> willie -- >> that was like this horse -- >> we only missed that one by 31 links, joe. >> it was very close. i got to tell you, going into the gate secretariat did not look cool. i was a little worried about it. 58, again, just for everybody, looked a little wobbly until he turned in the greatest performance of our lifetime. again, 58.5%, lemere. it doesn't sound close to me. >> no, sarkozy, the former president, came out in favor of macron yesterday. >> in jail? >> yeah, and there are also some other figures who were defeated who are on leftist candidates who said, look, i may not agree on macron on much of anything but you can't vote for le pen. there will be a coalition
>> i think putin wins by fanning differences. between the alliance, between the united states and its main european allies, britain, france, italy, and he gains by waiting, not by launching an invasion. which would be the one thing to absolutely unite all the nato allies in a really strong response, that would cripple russia economically. so putin wouldn't do that. he's not foolish and it would also be wildly unpopular in russia. but by strengthening the invasion, by raising the stakes by repeating russian computer concerns that and ukraine must never join nato, some european leaders already think that. pressure back in 2008 in the george w. bush administration it was the germans and you chancellor merkel and the french under president sarkozy who blocked the bush administration. the europeans haven't changed on
of made his way in as someone who perhaps may be able to make some real progress with putin since others are failing at that. >> not only that, but he has the institutional advantage of being the head of europe for six months. there's a six-month rotation where each country gets to be head of the european union. france happens to have drawn this six-month period as the leader of europe. so macron really does have the standing to serve as the leader of europe during this critical period. incidentally, the last time the french held that was in 2008 when sarkozy, one of the predecessors of macron, he brought a truce in georgia when russia invaded georgia. so we have hope. i'm not saying that the general is wrong, but i think if there's anybody who can help bring this to an important conclusion, i
oh, yeah, absolutely. there's no question about it. i mean, germany, along with france, is at the heart of the european project financially and politically. there's no question about that. and i suppose the thing about angela merkel�*s sort of unflashy style of politics, particularly compared to a sarkozy or a chirac, who were the guys in power when i was in europe, gave her a sense of stability and a sense of seriousness that perhaps, certainly when it came to sarkozy, perhaps some would argue did not exist. and thomas has written brilliantly about angela merkel over the years. i think we're beginning to see potentially a reassessment of her legacy, and this focus on the fact that there has been very little investment inwardly, you know, in germany, the missteps over certainly for some germans, migration, missteps over the handling of the european financial crisis. the greeks are still very
and a sense of seriousness that perhaps, certainly when it came to sarkozy, perhaps some would argue did not exist. but i think thomas has hit on something there which i think is interesting. and thomas has written brilliantly about angela merkel over the years. i think we're beginning to see potentially a reassessment of her legacy, and this focus on the fact that there has been very little investment inwardly, you know, in germany, the missteps over certainly for some germans, migration, missteps over the handling of the european financial crisis. the greeks are still very bitter about what happened. the preponderance of the focus of the energy policy on russia — moving away from its own domestic nuclear capability in terms of energy. i think germany will remain very important and at the heart of european politics, but i think the last sort of, what, 10, 15 years of angela merkel,
there's no question about it. i mean, germany, along with france, is at the heart of the european project financially and politically. there's no question about that. and i suppose the thing about angela merkel�*s sort of unflashy style of politics, particularly compared to a sarkozy or a chirac, who were the guys in power when i was in europe, gave her a sense of stability and a sense of seriousness that perhaps, certainly when it came to sarkozy, perhaps some would argue did not exist. but i think thomas has hit on something there which i think is interesting. and thomas has written brilliantly about angela merkel over the years. i think we're beginning to see potentially a reassessment of her legacy, and this focus on the fact that there has been very little investment inwardly, you know, in germany, the missteps over certainly for some germans, migration, missteps over the handling of the european financial crisis. the greeks are still very bitter about what happened. the preponderance of the focus
and so that was stymying, as it were, the public debate for renewal. and so renewal at least, is what we are getting. and where the direction of renewal is taking place will have to be determined. indeed. clive, i mean, you were a europe correspondent. you watched angela merkel�*s kind of star performance on the european stage. does german leadership matter as much now, do you think? is olaf scholz going to be looking as much to what's happening europe—wide as worrying about some of those problems which thomas sort of implied the merkel government had neglected? oh, yeah, absolutely. there's no question about it. i mean, germany, along with france, is at the heart of the european project financially and politically. there's no question about that. and i suppose the thing about angela merkel�*s sort of unflashy style of politics, particularly compared to a sarkozy or a chirac, who were the guys in power when i was in europe, gave her a sense of stability and a sense of seriousness that perhaps, certainly when it came to sarkozy, perhaps some
cooperation, a long—term perspective. that was the case when david cameron and nicholas r because he had this meeting in 2010 —— sarkozy. he had this meeting in 2010 -- sarko . ~ ., ., ., sarkozy. we will have to leave it there, sarkozy. we will have to leave it there. but _ sarkozy. we will have to leave it there, but thank _ sarkozy. we will have to leave it there, but thank you, _ sarkozy. we will have to leave it | there, but thank you, christophe premat, forjoining us this evening. people here in dover are at the front line of the cross—channel migrant crisis, and they've become accustomed to seeing migrants brought ashore here on a daily basis. my colleague sara smith is in the town centre. you have been getting reaction from people who live and work your to this awful tragedy yesterday. yes, and there's been nothing but sadness for the people involved, the individuals who lost their lives, the human tragedy, and a cry of as we have heard so many times over the past 2a hours for something to be done and also exasperation that it
Former French President Nicolas Sarkozy refused to answer questions as he appeared as a witness in a trial in which his former aides are accused of misusing public funds on polling contracts, BFM TV reported on Tuesday.
Former French President Nicolas Sarkozy on Saturday played down his conviction for illegal campaign financing over his failed 2012 re-election bid, suggesting many people in France had doubts about this week's guilty verdict.