they got closer to cuba. on wednesday russia's defence ministry said two of the vessels are carriers of advanced weapons, including hypersonic zircon missiles. they conducted drills earlier in the atlantic. but cuba's foreign ministry says none of those ships are carrying nuclear arms, and that russia's five day visit does not pose a threat to region. this all comes as cuba's foreign minister bruno rodriguez and his russian counterpart sergei lavrov, met in moscow. live now to the bbc�*s central american and cuba correspondent will grant. good to see you. what are cuban officials are saying about this? ., ., ., ., , this? you have heard that they are at pains — this? you have heard that they are at pains to _ this? you have heard that they are at pains to stress - this? you have heard that they are at pains to stress there - this? you have heard that they are at pains to stress there is i are at pains to stress there is no threat to the region by these naval exercises. it is a friendship between the communist run island and russia. that it underscores that friendship, between long—standing allies, previously of course also with the soviet union. they want to remove any centres of echo of the cold war at such a time of heightened tensions and focus on the fact that there is a bilateral relationship between russia and cuba that has nothing to do with the united states and that is where that focus is but it comes in a particularly difficult international global context of heightened tensions around the war in ukraine. mit? heightened tensions around the war in ukraine.— war in ukraine. why are we seeinu war in ukraine. why are we seeing this _ war in ukraine. why are we seeing this now? _ war in ukraine. why are we seeing this now? i - war in ukraine. why are we seeing this now? i think. war in ukraine. why are we | seeing this now? i think that is art seeing this now? i think that is part of— seeing this now? i think that is part of it- _ seeing this now? i think that is part of it. i _ seeing this now? i think that is part of it. i think - seeing this now? i think that is part of it. i think if - seeing this now? i think that is part of it. i think if there l is part of it. i think if there is part of it. i think if there is a message from russia to cubais is a message from russia to cuba is that of friendship, of collaboration, cooperation together but if there is one from moscow to washington, it is very clearly not to meddle in our backyard because we can do the same. it is essentially saying, if you are getting involved and continued to find ukraine in the war in ukraine, continued to back our enemies, we will do the same with yours and they are only 90 miles of your case. that is a global context in which it is taking place in weight is happening now. it sends an echo of the cold war but american officials have been very careful to see they do not perceive this in any way as a threat to the united states although of course they are monitoring it. indeed they have been playing it down. does this tell us more about the relationship and health of it with cuba than anything to do with washington? i do. basically what it says at the moment in many ways is that the moment in many ways is that the us has taken its eye off the us has taken its eye off the ball into the americas, not just in cuba and the caribbean, but across the region. the next place these warships are expected to go is venezuela. let's not forget, the le sommer so ships or one of the last times we so ships coming into havana bay, they were us cruise ships coming in with a sense of a new future between the old enemies during the 0bama administration. of course, all of that was cancelled under president trump. the chance in havana to watch the same stretch of water with those of cruiseship cabin with a sense of a new future now be replaced by russian warships wasn't lost on nobody, let's say. has by russian warships wasn't lost on nobody, let's say.— on nobody, let's say. has there been any _ on nobody, let's say. has there been any reaction _ on nobody, let's say. has there been any reaction in _ on nobody, let's say. has there been any reaction in the - on nobody, let's say. has there been any reaction in the rest i been any reaction in the rest of the region, in latin america to this incident? hat to this incident? not specifically - to this incident? not specifically or - to this incident? not specifically or not. to this incident? not l specifically or not that to this incident? not i specifically or not that i to this incident? iirrt specifically or not that i have seen. what we can certainly imagine is that it would be uploaded by cuba's idolise, particularly nicolas maduro in venezuela, and 0tago in nicaragua. interestingly, you speak to cuban on the streets and they would far rather see economic backing from russia than military backing.- than military backing. thank ou so than military backing. thank you so much. _ ——in venezuela, and 0rtego in nicaragua. a ceasefire plan between israel and hamas remains farfrom a done deal, with the us secretary of state saying hamas has proposed numerous changes to the latest draft for a truce put forward by presidentjoe biden. but senior hamas official 0sama hamdan has told the bbc that hamas has not put forward new demands and that the group remains committed to a ceasefire. antony blinken said some of the alleged proposed changes were workable, but some went beyond what the group had previously agreed to in talks for a ceasefire. speaking in qatar wednesday, secretary blinken reiterated that hamas was the party holding back an agreement. a deal was on the table that was virtually identical to the proposal that hamas put forward on may 6th. a deal that the entire world was behind, a deal israel has accepted, and hamas could have answered with a single word, "yesiu instead, hamas waited nearly two weeks, and then proposed more changes, a number of which go beyond positions it had previously taken and accepted. the senior hamas official mentioned earlier responded to secretary blinken. 0sama hamdan told the bbc that mr blinken is part of the problem, not the solution. he said hamas designated a terrorist organization by the us maintains its demands for a permanent ceasefire and a complete withdrawal of israeli forces from gaza. that's a slight variation from the three—phased plan put forth byjoe biden, where phase one involves an initial six—week ceasefire, an undefined number of hostage and prisoner released, as well as a withdrawal of israeli forces "from all populated areas of gaza". that's followed by phase two, which includes all remaining hostages released and a full israeli withdrawal from gaza. and phase three, which involves a reconstruction plan for gaza. as we heard from secretary blinken, israel accepts that plan, but prime minister netanyahu has stood firm that the war won't be over until hamas is completely defeated, leaving an agreement very much in the balance, as jon donnison reports. i don't think this deal is dead, but it's not looking terribly healthy. there's no doubt that the americans, the qataris, the egyptians, the world really, wants this deal to go ahead. but the two people who really matter, the people who are calling the shots are prime minister benjamin netanyahu here in israel and yahya sinwar, the hamas leader in gaza. and it doesn't really seem like either of them are committed to what the americans are saying they have agreed to. so the key issues that there's disagreement on, are phase two of the proposal that was announced byjoe biden a few weeks ago. so that would involve the complete withdrawal of israeli forces from gaza and a permanent ceasefire between israel and hamas. now, hamas is seeking greater reassurances, guarantees that that is going to happen. they don't trust that israel will stick to that. and the truth is that although america says that israel has signed up to that, benjamin netanyahu has not said that publicly. he's not said that explicitly. and he knows that if he were to do that, there are people within his government on the extreme right of his coalition who have said they will pull out of the government and that would mean fresh elections and possibly the end of benjamin netanyahu's time in power. so the americans seem to think this deal is close. theyjust need to push a little bit harder. they're going to continue, they say, to put pressure on the qataris and the egyptians to put pressure on hamas. but it really doesn't feel like on the ground, it's terribly close at the moment. live now to lieutenant general mark schwartz, former us security coordinator for israel and the palestinian authority. good to have you back. what do we know about the changes proposed by hamas? i we know about the changes proposed by hamas? i think the --rincial proposed by hamas? i think the principal negotiating _ proposed by hamas? i think the principal negotiating position i principal negotiating position hamas is trying to bring forward is the full withdrawal of israeli security forces from the gaza strip which candidly would result in chaos if that occurred because there is no other security entity to take its place and you certainly do not want to have hamas re—establish security and control within the gaza strip. so i think that is the principal negotiating position that they are holding said faster at this point. an faster at this point. an anonymous _ faster at this point. an anonymous official speak into the previously same ability palestinian armed groups response amounted to a rejection. what do you think the qatari and egyptian mediators and partners in the region can do at this point if secretary blinken is to some extent hitting a wall? i certainly do not have the benefit of being inside the internal discussions but my concern is that there is not a lot of leverage i think that we have with the hamas terrorist leadership, either inside hamas or other political entities of the terrorist organisations or movement outside of gaza. i think a guarantee by qatar or egypt that will be passed on by the israeli government that hamas could somehow be allowed to remain in governance of gaza certainly bolster the negotiating position to the benefit of hamas but i do not think it is realistic at this point and goes contrary to the strategic objectives that the prime minister of israel has laid out, that the us president and i think many in the international community have supported so i think it is a very tough position right now because hamas knows that their time is limited and certainly yahya sinwar knows he is a targeted individual as well as his lieutenants and if israel had the ability to remove them out they would be doing so. that is the question, when president biden outlined this proposal, he said hamas's capabilities had been degraded to a point they could not launch the type of attack we saw on october seven. is that actually the case, what do we know about the capabilities at the moment? i know about the capabilities at the moment?— know about the capabilities at the moment? ., ., ., the moment? i do not agree with that statement. _ the moment? i do not agree with that statement. clearly, - the moment? i do not agree with that statement. clearly, hamas l that statement. clearly, hamas has got the wheel and the resolve and the capability. certainly, you look at the significant military presence of the israeli security forces, thatis of the israeli security forces, that is certainly a deterrent for october seven type attack but i think it is very clear, based on the rhetoric from the hamas leadership both inside of gaza and outside, since this war began, that if they had the opportunity to carry out an attack like 0ctober seven again, they would certainly do it. so, again, ithink that again, they would certainly do it. so, again, i think that was a little shortsighted to make that type of statement on behalf of another state. the israelis have the best sense of the capability and will of hamas because i have experienced it. at hamas because i have experienced it.- hamas because i have experienced it. at the same time, experienced it. at the same time. they _ experienced it. at the same time. they do _ experienced it. at the same time, they do not _ experienced it. at the same time, they do not have i experienced it. at the same i time, they do not have not said what defeating hamas might look like. what do you think it would look like?— like. what do you think it would look like? you're not auoin would look like? you're not going to — would look like? you're not going to get _ would look like? you're not going to get rid _ would look like? you're not going to get rid of - would look like? you're not going to get rid of the i going to get rid of the ideology, certainly. that has been discussed at length. but the ability to remove hamas as a governing body inside the gaza strip, to remove hamas and palestinian islamichhad and other groups out of the west bank as well, because in the broader context that is extremely important, remove the military capability inside the gaza strip and the west bank, those objectives can be achieved and again, it does not remove the ideology of hamas and is an organisation potentially but it creates a security environment in which israel would feel much safer than they have since hamas took overin than they have since hamas took over in 2006. ii than they have since hamas took over in 2006-_ over in 2006. if this ceasefire agreement — over in 2006. if this ceasefire agreement does _ over in 2006. if this ceasefire agreement does not - over in 2006. if this ceasefire agreement does not come i over in 2006. if this ceasefire agreement does not come to | agreement does not come to bear, what are we looking at? are we looking at months more of fighting? i are we looking at months more of fighting?— of fighting? i think we. it was stated by _ of fighting? i think we. it was stated by a — of fighting? i think we. it was stated by a think _ of fighting? i think we. it was stated by a think the - of fighting? i think we. it was stated by a think the chief i of fighting? i think we. it was stated by a think the chief of| stated by a think the chief of general staff of the idf and minister galante —— gallant. the number that have joined the movement since it started we're looking several months suddenly. looking several months suddenly-— looking several months suddenl. ., ., suddenly. always great to get our suddenly. always great to get your perspective. _ suddenly. always great to get your perspective. thank i suddenly. always great to get your perspective. thank you l suddenly. always great to get| your perspective. thank you so much. around the world and across the uk, this is bbc news. the conservative and labour leaders faced tough questions wednesday evening from an audience in grimsby, in their latest election campaign grilling during a sky news special. prime minister rishi sunak and sir keir starmer answered questions on various topics, and faced criticism. labour leader sir keir says his approach to tax is different from his predecessors. i accept that previous labour leaders have pulled the tax lever every single time and driven up spending. i want to grow out economy. the manifesto tomorrow it would be a manifesto and plan for wealth creation. while conservative prime minister sunak was asked about what he would do for young people. what we announced yesterday in the manifesto is going to make a big difference because it is going to mean it is much easier for young people to get on the housing ladder and by the first time. whether it is an apprenticeship, national service or buying your home it is a great opportunity around. you can find more uk election coverage on our website bbc.com/news. we have what all the parties are promising and interviews with major party leaders. you're live with bbc news. back now to one of our top stories. both israel and hamas were accused of committing war crimes and human rights abuses, in a new independent report by the united nation's human right�*s council. it marks first in—depth investigation into the october 7 attacks and the ensuring conflict. the report accuses israel of having a strategy that intended to cause maximum damage including using heavy weapons in densely populated areas. it found statements by israeli officials inciting to violence, discrimination and hatred. insufficient and unclear evacuation orders and the attacking of evacuation routes. collective punishment against the civilian population through a "total siege". sexual and gender—based violence. war crimes and settler violence in the west bank. the report accuses hamas of indiscriminately firing projectiles towards israeli towns and cities. taking hostages, including children. sexual and gender—based violence. and wilful killing, torture and inhuman treatment. the report calls on israel to immediately stop its military operations and attacks in gaza. and for hamas and palestinian armed groups to immediately stop rocket attacks and release all hostages. live now to rachel george. thank you forjoining us on bbc news. you've written about how you believe the lack of inclusion of women in the negotiating process is stunting peace efforts. how significant is this report? thank you so much for having me. as you mentioned, this is a pretty wide and damning report so in a different time and place, this would potentially be surprising, potentially relatively impactful. i would say these accusations of war crimes and crimes against humanity are in a way nothing new. it is piling on two attacks, notably from israel, similar egregious crimes — accusations of similar egregious crimes that hamas is committed. these are both wide—ranging crimes and specific. just as you said, these crimes are about sexual violence. a specific focus on crimes committed against children and children's rights, arbitrary detention, starvation, weaponised collective punishment, extermination, so it is a litany of crimes. and it is going to a significant and symbolic effect potentially but it will not have that direct fact so the challenges of international law are very visible. —— direct effect. international law are very visible. -- direct effect. what i mentioned _ visible. -- direct effect. what i mentioned in _ visible. -- direct effect. what i mentioned in the _ visible. -- direct effect. what i mentioned in the outside, . visible. -- direct effect. what l i mentioned in the outside, you have written specifically about the role of women in the process and the lack thereof has stunted the process by 20%. can you explain that to us? this is potentially groundbreaking way to think about how to make a difference in peace because we know that women's involvement in peace processes around the world throughout history has improved the potential for these peace agreements are to last. from social science, political science that has studied cases in northern ireland, in columbia, we have seen that when women are meaningfully at the policy table, that's peace agreement lasted some 20% longer by a few years and sometimes up to 35% longer or were more successful. this is a real challenge because women, as you mentioned, not the table right now and not making contributions.— right now and not making contributions. ~ ., ., contributions. women can also be perpetrators _ contributions. women can also be perpetrators of _ contributions. women can also be perpetrators of violence i contributions. women can also| be perpetrators of violence and you point out that centralising women leadership does not capture the experience. how do you advocate for the importance of women's role in peace negotiations without playing into stereotypes? it is negotiations without playing into stereotypes?— negot